Reading Comprehension

The primary purpose of the passage is _____________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

The following can be the supposed applications of the Bowen theory except _________________________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Bowen family systems theory has played an important role in the development of the field of marriage and family therapy (MFT). Murray Bowen, who developed this intergenerational perspective, is considered to be one of the founders of the field of MFT, and his theoretical descriptions and explanations of family process have made major contributions to the development of systems theory as a clinical perspective.

In addition to the importance of Bowen theory in the theoretical development of MFT, many family therapists have adopted his perspective as a primary theoretical orientation in conducting therapy. For example, it is the primary theoretical foundation for Schnarch's (1997) popular clinical perspective in treating sexual dysfunctions. Bowen theory also has a significant influence on many MFTs who have adopted an integrative clinical approach. Thus, Bowen theory has a substantial impact on the clinical perspectives of many MFTs.

Although originally developed as a theory to guide clinical intervention, Bowen theory has been recently integrated into nonclinical theories of family process. Likewise, family science textbooks have used a family process perspective to teach undergraduate students about family interaction.

Despite the prominent role that Bowen theory has had in the evolution of MFT, as well as its influence on current clinical practice, there is no empirical research supporting the effectiveness of the theory in clinical practice. Recent reviews of the clinical outcome literature have failed to find any controlled outcome studies that have tested the effectiveness of Bowen theory. Consequently, there is no clinical research that provides evidence that Bowen theory is a valid and effective theory of MFT.

Basic research offers another strategy to test the validity of Bowen theory. Rather than testing the effectiveness of a theory in clinical practice, basic research tests the validity of the propositions of the theory. If research supports the validity of the concepts and propositions of the theory, then scholars and clinicians can have more confidence in the soundness of the theory.

In the last 15 years, a substantial number of studies have tested the validity of many of Bowen's concepts, assumptions, and propositions. These studies come from a variety of fields, including nursing, MFT, family studies, and psychology. Charles (2001) recently reviewed eight studies that tested a few of the concepts of Bowen Theory. However, many of Bowen's major theoretical assumptions and propositions were not addressed in the review, and many important studies were not included. Consequently, a thorough and comprehensive review is needed to adequately examine the validity of Bowen theory. In this article, we review the basic research literature that examines the validity of Bowen theory. The review of basic research is consistent with Wynne's (1997) call for an increased emphasis on basic research as an important avenue in furthering the development of the field of MFT.

'It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events ....... the nation's “natural resources.” Given lines are a perfect example of ___________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

In spite of the question mark on the relevance of the Bowen's theory, it is still being used because of the following except ______________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Bowen family systems theory has played an important role in the development of the field of marriage and family therapy (MFT). Murray Bowen, who developed this intergenerational perspective, is considered to be one of the founders of the field of MFT, and his theoretical descriptions and explanations of family process have made major contributions to the development of systems theory as a clinical perspective.

In addition to the importance of Bowen theory in the theoretical development of MFT, many family therapists have adopted his perspective as a primary theoretical orientation in conducting therapy. For example, it is the primary theoretical foundation for Schnarch's (1997) popular clinical perspective in treating sexual dysfunctions. Bowen theory also has a significant influence on many MFTs who have adopted an integrative clinical approach. Thus, Bowen theory has a substantial impact on the clinical perspectives of many MFTs.

Although originally developed as a theory to guide clinical intervention, Bowen theory has been recently integrated into nonclinical theories of family process. Likewise, family science textbooks have used a family process perspective to teach undergraduate students about family interaction.

Despite the prominent role that Bowen theory has had in the evolution of MFT, as well as its influence on current clinical practice, there is no empirical research supporting the effectiveness of the theory in clinical practice. Recent reviews of the clinical outcome literature have failed to find any controlled outcome studies that have tested the effectiveness of Bowen theory. Consequently, there is no clinical research that provides evidence that Bowen theory is a valid and effective theory of MFT.

Basic research offers another strategy to test the validity of Bowen theory. Rather than testing the effectiveness of a theory in clinical practice, basic research tests the validity of the propositions of the theory. If research supports the validity of the concepts and propositions of the theory, then scholars and clinicians can have more confidence in the soundness of the theory.

In the last 15 years, a substantial number of studies have tested the validity of many of Bowen's concepts, assumptions, and propositions. These studies come from a variety of fields, including nursing, MFT, family studies, and psychology. Charles (2001) recently reviewed eight studies that tested a few of the concepts of Bowen Theory. However, many of Bowen's major theoretical assumptions and propositions were not addressed in the review, and many important studies were not included. Consequently, a thorough and comprehensive review is needed to adequately examine the validity of Bowen theory. In this article, we review the basic research literature that examines the validity of Bowen theory. The review of basic research is consistent with Wynne's (1997) call for an increased emphasis on basic research as an important avenue in furthering the development of the field of MFT.

The passage deals with an issue that is _______________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Of the 793,025 cumulative number of persons diagnosed with AIDS in the US since the initial case in June 1981, 96.9% were between the working ages of 20 to 64 years. From 1990 to 1999, the number of persons living with AIDS in the US had increased 400% to 312,804. With the advent of health enhancing protease inhibitors and highly active anti-retroviral therapy (HAART) in 1995, the longevity for persons diagnosed with AIDS was enhanced. With the increase of persons living with AIDS and the advent of HAART, there is an increase of persons living with AIDS entering or re-entering the workplace and seeking public vocational employment services.

Under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), a person living with the HIV or AIDS meeting defined criteria is protected as a person with a disa ibility. However, even with federal legislation addressing HIV/AIDS, several factors have been suggested to correla te with employment seeking behavior of PLWHAs (people with HIV/AIDS). Such factors include negative self-perceptions associated with being infected with the HIV, a limited or non-existing work history, perception of a lack of workplace environment friendly to persons living with HIV/AIDS, and the impact of work upon one's adherence to medical treatment regiments.

The attitude of public rehabilitation job placement professionals toward persons with disabilities is significantly correlated with the consumer's self-concept, personal issues related to the consumer's disability, utilization of the consumer's skills and abilities, and the rehabilitation services outcome. With increasing numbers of PLWHAs seeking employment, disability status for PLWHAs, and the lack of RSA data on the number of PLWHAs receiving public rehabilitation services, no aspect of public vocational rehabilitation services for PLWHAs demands more research than job placement. As the case rates of HIV/AIDS increase, an increase in the number of PLWHAs on public rehabilitation job placement professional's caseloads is likely.

For PLWHAs, employment has been reported as one of the most significant contributions to successfully living throughout their illness and important to their emotional well-being. Successful rehabilitation service outcomes may be enhanced through understanding the beliefs of PLWHAs toward employment. The needs of consumers of public vocational rehabilitation services demand that public rehabilitation job placement professionals provide services in an expert and proficient manner, resulting in the successful placement of the consumer into a job. A behavioral theory-based approach to understanding the employment seeking behavior of PLWHAs may provide clear and formative data, offer guidelines for identification and selection of variables on which to intervene, and provide topics for in-service training to enhance service provision. The concept of utilizing theory to address specific phenomena in the field of rehabilitation counseling has been presented as one way to further develop the empirical foundations of our field.

Which of the following can be the features of Bowen's theory?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Bowen family systems theory has played an important role in the development of the field of marriage and family therapy (MFT). Murray Bowen, who developed this intergenerational perspective, is considered to be one of the founders of the field of MFT, and his theoretical descriptions and explanations of family process have made major contributions to the development of systems theory as a clinical perspective.

In addition to the importance of Bowen theory in the theoretical development of MFT, many family therapists have adopted his perspective as a primary theoretical orientation in conducting therapy. For example, it is the primary theoretical foundation for Schnarch's (1997) popular clinical perspective in treating sexual dysfunctions. Bowen theory also has a significant influence on many MFTs who have adopted an integrative clinical approach. Thus, Bowen theory has a substantial impact on the clinical perspectives of many MFTs.

Although originally developed as a theory to guide clinical intervention, Bowen theory has been recently integrated into nonclinical theories of family process. Likewise, family science textbooks have used a family process perspective to teach undergraduate students about family interaction.

Despite the prominent role that Bowen theory has had in the evolution of MFT, as well as its influence on current clinical practice, there is no empirical research supporting the effectiveness of the theory in clinical practice. Recent reviews of the clinical outcome literature have failed to find any controlled outcome studies that have tested the effectiveness of Bowen theory. Consequently, there is no clinical research that provides evidence that Bowen theory is a valid and effective theory of MFT.

Basic research offers another strategy to test the validity of Bowen theory. Rather than testing the effectiveness of a theory in clinical practice, basic research tests the validity of the propositions of the theory. If research supports the validity of the concepts and propositions of the theory, then scholars and clinicians can have more confidence in the soundness of the theory.

In the last 15 years, a substantial number of studies have tested the validity of many of Bowen's concepts, assumptions, and propositions. These studies come from a variety of fields, including nursing, MFT, family studies, and psychology. Charles (2001) recently reviewed eight studies that tested a few of the concepts of Bowen Theory. However, many of Bowen's major theoretical assumptions and propositions were not addressed in the review, and many important studies were not included. Consequently, a thorough and comprehensive review is needed to adequately examine the validity of Bowen theory. In this article, we review the basic research literature that examines the validity of Bowen theory. The review of basic research is consistent with Wynne's (1997) call for an increased emphasis on basic research as an important avenue in furthering the development of the field of MFT.

It can be inferred from the passage that the war originates in _____________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

It is said that nuclear weapons have made wars too horrible to contemplate. Yet every nation on earth feels, in helpless terror, that such a war might come.

The overwhelming majority of mankind – the people who die on the battlefields or starve and perish among the ruins – do not want war. They never wanted it. Yet wars have kept erupting throughout the centuries, like a long trail of blood underscoring mankind’s history.

Men are afraid that war might come because they know, consciously or subconsciously, that they have never rejected the doctrine which causes wars, which has caused the wars of the past and can do it again – the doctrine that it is right or practical or necessary for men to achieve their goals by means of physical force (by initiating the use of force against other men) and that some sort of “good” can justify it. It is the doctrine that force is a proper or unavoidable part of human existence and human societies.
Observe one of the ugliest characteristics of today’s world: the mixture of frantic war preparations with hysterical peace propaganda, and the fact that both come from the same source – from the same political philosophy. The bankrupt, yet still dominant, political philosophy of our age is statism.

Observe the nature of today’s alleged peace movements. Professing love and concern for the survival of mankind, they keep screaming that the nuclear-weapons race should be stopped, that armed force should be abolished as a means of settling disputes among nations, and that war should be outlawed in the name of humanity. Yet these same peace movements do not oppose dictatorships; the political views of their members range through all shades of the statist spectrum, from welfare statism to socialism to fascism to communism. This means that they are opposed to the use of coercion by one nation against another, but not by the government of a nation against its own citizens; it means that they are opposed to the use of force against armed adversaries; but not against the disarmed.

Consider the plunder, the destruction, the starvation, the brutality, the slave-labor camps, the torture chambers, the wholesale slaughter perpetrated by dictatorships. Yet this is what today’s alleged peace-lovers are willing to advocate or tolerate – in the name of love for humanity.

The passage deals with an issue that is ____________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

The organisation of the passage can be best described as __________________________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

It can be inferred from the passage that ___________________________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

Which of the following statement can be most directly extracted from the passage?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

What does the author imply by the term “Man is that which fits economic equations”?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Mankind is not an entity, an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man – not of the loose aggregate known as a “community” – that any science of the humanities has to begin.

This issue represents one of the epistemological differences between the humanities and the physical sciences, one of the causes of the former’s well-earned inferiority complex in regard to the latter. A physical science would not permit itself (not yet, at least) to ignore or bypass the nature of its subject. Such an attempt would mean: a science of astronomy that gazed at the sky, but refused to study individual stars, planets, and satellites – or a science of medicine that studies disease, without any knowledge or criterion of health, and took, as its basic subject of study, a hospital as a whole never focusing on individual patients.

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society – by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined. Yet that is the methodology adopted by most political economists. Their attitude, in effect, amounts to the unstated, implicit postulate: “Man is that which fits economic equations.” Since he obviously does not, this leads to the curious fact that in spite of the practical nature of their science, political economists are oddly unable to relate their abstractions to the concretes of actual existence.

It leads also to a baffling sort of double standard or double perspective in their way of viewing men and events: if they observe a shoemaker, they find no difficulty in concluding that he is working in order to make a living; but as political economists, on the tribal premise, they declare that his purpose (and duty) is to provide society with shoes. If they observe a panhandler on a street corner, they identify him as a bum; in political economy, he becomes “a sovereign consumer.” If they hear the communist doctrine that all property should belong to the state, they reject it emphatically and feel, sincerely, that they would fight communism to the death; but in political economy, they speak of the government’s duty to effect “a fair redistribution of wealth,” and they speak of businessmen as the best, most efficient trustees of the nation’s “natural resources.”

This is what a premise (and philosophical negligence) will do; this is what the tribal premise has done.

To reject that premise and begin at the beginning – in one’s approach to political economy and to the evaluation of various social systems – one must begin by identifying man’s nature, i.e., those essential characteristics which distinguish him from all other living species.

What should be done with the sentence 3 (reproduced below)? Kizer, a much decorated and Pulitzer- Prize winning poet, ironically compares the successful life of a much-decorated poet with the life of an unsuccessful and struggling poet.

Direction for questions 1 to 6: The following passage is an early draft of an essay. Some parts of the passage need to be rewritten. Read the passage and select the best answers for the questions that follow. Some questions are about particular sentences or parts of sentences and ask you to improve sentence structure or word choice. Other questions ask you to consider organization and development. In choosing answers, follow the requirements of standard written English.

Passage – I
(1) “To an Unknown Poet,” was first published in Michigan Quarterly Review and consequently appears in Carolyn Kizer’s 1986 collection, The Nearness of You. (2) It is included in a section of poems called “Friends,” which contains numerous poems about, and dedicated to, other poets. (3) Kizer, a much decorated and Pulitzer- Prize winning poet, ironically compares the successful life of a much-decorated poet with the life of an unsuccessful and struggling poet. (4) Kizer wrote the poem shortly after winning the Pulitzer Prize for her collection Yin: New Poems. (5) In simple, straightforward language, the speaker addresses a poor poet who comes to visit her.(6) He was making excuses for why she does not have time for him, and then later telling him about an award she is about to receive.
(7) Her response has been addressing issues which were dealing with the place of poetry in American society, the role played by the poet, and the nature of literary fame achieved by the poet. (8) It appeared at a time when more poetry is produced and published—in print, on the web, etc.—and more poetry readings are given than perhaps at any other time in American history. (9) It also comes at a time when, even though an increasing number of people hunger for literary recognition, fewer and fewer people read poetry or even attend poetry readings. (10)The gulf between “known” poets and “unknown” poets widens daily.
(11) Even those known are known by only a few.

In context, which of the following is the best version of sentence 11 (reproduced below)? In the sky, sun allowed the drops to sparkle so brightly, as it caught them, like thousands of stars.

Direction for questions 7 to 12: The following passage is an early draft of an essay. Some parts of the passage need to be rewritten. Read the passage and select the best answers for the questions that follow. Some questions are about particular sentences or parts of sentences and ask you to improve sentence structure or word choice. Other questions ask you to consider organization and development. In choosing answers, follow the requirements of standard written English.

Passage – II
(1)  I would always find myself behind the old oak tree in our back yard. (2) This was my favorite spot. (3) The thick trunk, like a bodyguard, protected me from the imaginary bullets that flew towards my body. (4) I would lean against the hard bark and for some reason it was comforting to have something sturdy to lean on. (5) It was dark brown, and every now and then a spider would nestle between the pieces of bark. (6)  Sometimes I would touch the tree to peek around the corner and my fingers would be sticky. (7)  I could never quite figure out why that was, and it was giving me the hardest time getting it off, a constant reminder of my tree.
(8)  When my brother and I weren't at "battle," I would lie beneath my oak tree and daydream. (9) As I looked up I could see millions of branches protecting me from everything above. (10)  At the end of each branch were hundreds of more leaves that would gently catch the morning dew, and carefully allowed it to make its way to the grass. (11)  In the sky, sun allowed the drops to sparkle so brightly, as it caught them, like thousands of stars. (12)  This was my heaven, and as I lay there, I could feel the plush grass, like a snuggly old blanket, holding my body gently against the ground.
(13) The grasshoppers would appear from around a blade of grass as if they were asking for approval to hop on my blanket. (14)  A leaf would jump off its branch to greet me as I sat. (15)  It would float through the air as light as feather and land softly on the grass. (16)  As the autumn drew near, it was like a rainstorm of brown, yellow and red leaves, all falling to make way for the beautiful spring leaves.
(17)  When winter came the tree stood bare, unprotected and sad. (18) Suddenly my favorite spot was stripped of its innocence and baring the naked truth. (19) But it never failed, as spring rolled around, the old oak tree lit up with vibrant green leaves and reassured me that it was ready for my companionship once again.