Reading Comprehension

Give the best summary of the opening paragraph of the passage.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Today, India is at the cusp of a revolution in economic growth. As a progressive nation, we have to focus on both the creation of wealth (through entrepreneurship) and the redistribution of at least a part of that wealth (by philanthropy). Philanthropy is part of the implicit social contract that nurtures and revitalizes economic prosperity. Much of the new wealth created has to be given back to the community to nurture future economic growth. This is the only way we can create hope for the large majority of our poor. Robert Kennedy once said, ‘each time a man stands up to improve the lot of others, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope.’ There is no more opportune time for us than now to create a multitude of such ripples. Today, thanks to liberalization and subsequent economic growth, a large number of Indians have the capacity to contribute. Wealth invested back into society expands opportunity for a larger section of people, and we can thus create an upheaval spiral of wealth and prosperity. This is at the core of social success in countries like the USA.
In promoting philanthropic activity, we have to focus on both the supply side of philosophy (donors) as well as the demand side (recipients). On both sides of the equation, many of our voluntary organizations have the capacity to solve problems but have little or no money to implement them. On the other hand, many of those that have the financial resources hardly have time or the focus to sustain programmes that cater to society’s demands. The need of the hour is to enthuse a large section of our affluent population to become active participants in philanthropy. According to a survey by Independent Sector, a coalition of philanthropic organization in the USA, over 80 per cent of US households donate to charitable causes, 80 million American adults involve themselves in voluntary activities, representing the equivalent of over 9 million full-time employees at a value of $239 billion. Philanthropy has allowed the USA to tackle many of its social problems. In 2000, American philanthropic contributions account for almost 2 per cent of the national income. There are similar signs of increased philanthropic activity in Latin America, Spain and Russia, to name just a few countries.
Contributions from individuals have tremendous potential in India. However, most individuals donate to religious organizations. In fact, this accounts for about 35 per cent of donations made by Indians. Further, a majority of voluntary organizations in India lack the marketing and branding skills and the methodology to tap this very important source of funds. Owing to lack of transparency and accountability, many voluntary organizations suffer from serious crises of credibility. This often deters individuals from contributing to welfare or developmental projects.
Public trust, it needs to be remembered, is the singlemost important asset of the philanthropic community. Without it, donors will not give and volunteers will not get involved. This implies accountability to the public and to the charitable intent of the donors. Improved performance also requires lowering the cost of administration and investing in more effective strategies for social change. Programme evaluation, focus on results, and even impact studies to measure the effectiveness of social investments are part of this. Independent Sector in the USA outlines a series of steps the philanthropic and non-profit sector take to ensure accountability. We need a similar code in India. (Narayan Murthy in A Better India A Better World)

Give the best summary of the third paragraph of the passage.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Today, India is at the cusp of a revolution in economic growth. As a progressive nation, we have to focus on both the creation of wealth (through entrepreneurship) and the redistribution of at least a part of that wealth (by philanthropy). Philanthropy is part of the implicit social contract that nurtures and revitalizes economic prosperity. Much of the new wealth created has to be given back to the community to nurture future economic growth. This is the only way we can create hope for the large majority of our poor. Robert Kennedy once said, ‘each time a man stands up to improve the lot of others, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope.’ There is no more opportune time for us than now to create a multitude of such ripples. Today, thanks to liberalization and subsequent economic growth, a large number of Indians have the capacity to contribute. Wealth invested back into society expands opportunity for a larger section of people, and we can thus create an upheaval spiral of wealth and prosperity. This is at the core of social success in countries like the USA.
In promoting philanthropic activity, we have to focus on both the supply side of philosophy (donors) as well as the demand side (recipients). On both sides of the equation, many of our voluntary organizations have the capacity to solve problems but have little or no money to implement them. On the other hand, many of those that have the financial resources hardly have time or the focus to sustain programmes that cater to society’s demands. The need of the hour is to enthuse a large section of our affluent population to become active participants in philanthropy. According to a survey by Independent Sector, a coalition of philanthropic organization in the USA, over 80 per cent of US households donate to charitable causes, 80 million American adults involve themselves in voluntary activities, representing the equivalent of over 9 million full-time employees at a value of $239 billion. Philanthropy has allowed the USA to tackle many of its social problems. In 2000, American philanthropic contributions account for almost 2 per cent of the national income. There are similar signs of increased philanthropic activity in Latin America, Spain and Russia, to name just a few countries.
Contributions from individuals have tremendous potential in India. However, most individuals donate to religious organizations. In fact, this accounts for about 35 per cent of donations made by Indians. Further, a majority of voluntary organizations in India lack the marketing and branding skills and the methodology to tap this very important source of funds. Owing to lack of transparency and accountability, many voluntary organizations suffer from serious crises of credibility. This often deters individuals from contributing to welfare or developmental projects.
Public trust, it needs to be remembered, is the singlemost important asset of the philanthropic community. Without it, donors will not give and volunteers will not get involved. This implies accountability to the public and to the charitable intent of the donors. Improved performance also requires lowering the cost of administration and investing in more effective strategies for social change. Programme evaluation, focus on results, and even impact studies to measure the effectiveness of social investments are part of this. Independent Sector in the USA outlines a series of steps the philanthropic and non-profit sector take to ensure accountability. We need a similar code in India. (Narayan Murthy in A Better India A Better World)

Give the best summary of the last paragraph of the passage.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Since any stimulus is potentially a secondary source of drive and any source of drive may become associated with behaviour which brings reinforcement, the social sources of drive can be almost infinite in number. Social sources of drive combine with relevant activities to form motives. A motive consists of an increase in drive plus its associated goal-oriented behavioural trends. A drive state which has acquired goal direction through learning constitutes a motive.
The goals towards which motives are oriented constitute incentives. Incentives may be objects, conditions, or experiences. Incentives may be either immediate or close at hand, or they may be delayed and remote. They may represent sub-goals which are desirable only because they lead to larger, more significant and remote goals. The educationally significant reinforcements (rewards and punishments) represent incentives which are used to instigate and sustain activity. Since the motivational properties of incentives are acquired, they will vary tremendously from person to person and from situation to situation. The potency of a given incentive depends on the strength of the relevant motive and the degree to which the individual sees the goal as satisfying the motive in terms of risk and effort. Some incentives which are important educationally derive this importance from the cultural context in which they are embedded. The potency of social incentives represents the relative attractiveness of certain social experiences in terms of their probable contribution to the individual’s social acceptance, the degree to which he is liked and loved (affiliative motives), or admired, respected, and envied (prestige motivation).   
The number of possible motives is so great that for discussion purposes, it usually helps to classify them in some way. All such classifications are arbitrary and become useful only within a limited context. One classification, which is meaningful in an educational context, divides the social motives, into two large groups—the affiliation-oriented motives and the prestige-oriented motives. These two groups—sometimes called ‘motives’ rather than ‘group of motives’—have been given various names. Some refer to these motives as ‘needs’.
The affiliative motives constitute the most basic socially-oriented behavioural trends. They represent a continuum ranging from a degree to be with other people rather than to be alone (gregariousness), at one end, to a preference for the presence of people with whom we have a common language and interest (social interaction) as contrasted with ‘foreignness,’ to a preference for people with whom we have had previous pleasant experience (friends) as compared with strangers, as intermediate categories, to a desire to have continued intimate contact with our loved ones, at the other extreme. The series of social relationships encompassed by the affiliative motives range in their degree of affectional or emotional involvement from minimal (gregariousness), to the most intimate of emotional ties as found in the parent-child, husband-wife relationship. (Educational Psychology by Sawrey and Telford)

Which of the following gives the best summary of the second paragraph?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Since any stimulus is potentially a secondary source of drive and any source of drive may become associated with behaviour which brings reinforcement, the social sources of drive can be almost infinite in number. Social sources of drive combine with relevant activities to form motives. A motive consists of an increase in drive plus its associated goal-oriented behavioural trends. A drive state which has acquired goal direction through learning constitutes a motive.
The goals towards which motives are oriented constitute incentives. Incentives may be objects, conditions, or experiences. Incentives may be either immediate or close at hand, or they may be delayed and remote. They may represent sub-goals which are desirable only because they lead to larger, more significant and remote goals. The educationally significant reinforcements (rewards and punishments) represent incentives which are used to instigate and sustain activity. Since the motivational properties of incentives are acquired, they will vary tremendously from person to person and from situation to situation. The potency of a given incentive depends on the strength of the relevant motive and the degree to which the individual sees the goal as satisfying the motive in terms of risk and effort. Some incentives which are important educationally derive this importance from the cultural context in which they are embedded. The potency of social incentives represents the relative attractiveness of certain social experiences in terms of their probable contribution to the individual’s social acceptance, the degree to which he is liked and loved (affiliative motives), or admired, respected, and envied (prestige motivation).   
The number of possible motives is so great that for discussion purposes, it usually helps to classify them in some way. All such classifications are arbitrary and become useful only within a limited context. One classification, which is meaningful in an educational context, divides the social motives, into two large groups—the affiliation-oriented motives and the prestige-oriented motives. These two groups—sometimes called ‘motives’ rather than ‘group of motives’—have been given various names. Some refer to these motives as ‘needs’.
The affiliative motives constitute the most basic socially-oriented behavioural trends. They represent a continuum ranging from a degree to be with other people rather than to be alone (gregariousness), at one end, to a preference for the presence of people with whom we have a common language and interest (social interaction) as contrasted with ‘foreignness,’ to a preference for people with whom we have had previous pleasant experience (friends) as compared with strangers, as intermediate categories, to a desire to have continued intimate contact with our loved ones, at the other extreme. The series of social relationships encompassed by the affiliative motives range in their degree of affectional or emotional involvement from minimal (gregariousness), to the most intimate of emotional ties as found in the parent-child, husband-wife relationship. (Educational Psychology by Sawrey and Telford)

What is the best summary of the third paragraph of the passage?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Since any stimulus is potentially a secondary source of drive and any source of drive may become associated with behaviour which brings reinforcement, the social sources of drive can be almost infinite in number. Social sources of drive combine with relevant activities to form motives. A motive consists of an increase in drive plus its associated goal-oriented behavioural trends. A drive state which has acquired goal direction through learning constitutes a motive.
The goals towards which motives are oriented constitute incentives. Incentives may be objects, conditions, or experiences. Incentives may be either immediate or close at hand, or they may be delayed and remote. They may represent sub-goals which are desirable only because they lead to larger, more significant and remote goals. The educationally significant reinforcements (rewards and punishments) represent incentives which are used to instigate and sustain activity. Since the motivational properties of incentives are acquired, they will vary tremendously from person to person and from situation to situation. The potency of a given incentive depends on the strength of the relevant motive and the degree to which the individual sees the goal as satisfying the motive in terms of risk and effort. Some incentives which are important educationally derive this importance from the cultural context in which they are embedded. The potency of social incentives represents the relative attractiveness of certain social experiences in terms of their probable contribution to the individual’s social acceptance, the degree to which he is liked and loved (affiliative motives), or admired, respected, and envied (prestige motivation).   
The number of possible motives is so great that for discussion purposes, it usually helps to classify them in some way. All such classifications are arbitrary and become useful only within a limited context. One classification, which is meaningful in an educational context, divides the social motives, into two large groups—the affiliation-oriented motives and the prestige-oriented motives. These two groups—sometimes called ‘motives’ rather than ‘group of motives’—have been given various names. Some refer to these motives as ‘needs’.
The affiliative motives constitute the most basic socially-oriented behavioural trends. They represent a continuum ranging from a degree to be with other people rather than to be alone (gregariousness), at one end, to a preference for the presence of people with whom we have a common language and interest (social interaction) as contrasted with ‘foreignness,’ to a preference for people with whom we have had previous pleasant experience (friends) as compared with strangers, as intermediate categories, to a desire to have continued intimate contact with our loved ones, at the other extreme. The series of social relationships encompassed by the affiliative motives range in their degree of affectional or emotional involvement from minimal (gregariousness), to the most intimate of emotional ties as found in the parent-child, husband-wife relationship. (Educational Psychology by Sawrey and Telford)

What is the underlying idea of the passage?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

There is considerable evidence that time is a factor in learning. There seems to be something going on during periods of rest, particularly immediately following practice, that influence the consolidation and retention of that which has been practised. We do not know just what goes on or how it operates, but the evidence is quite clear that some type of spacing of repetitions facilitates learning and has an even more favourable effect on retention. 
One experimenter set out to discover whether the method of spaced repetitions was more effective than that of massed repetitions for the purpose of learning ordinary meaningful material. Thirty short selections in history and the same number in economics represented the material to be studied. Each assignment was read through five times, either at one sitting, one right after the other (massed reading), or once a day for five successive days (spaced readings).  Subjects and conditions were so rotated as to cancel out practice and fatigue effects for the two conditions. At varying intervals after the original readings, the subjects wrote all that could be recalled of the selections read. The amounts retained after varying time intervals were also determined.
The results show some interesting differences. When tested immediately after the original readings, 66 per cent of the material read five times in one day was recalled as compared with 64 per cent of the material read once daily for five successive days. This difference is not significant. When tested two weeks later, only 13 per cent of the material read five times in succession was recalled, whereas 47 per cent of that read daily for five days was reproduced. After one month, 11 per cent and 33 per cent respectively, were recalled (Austin 1921). In this particular experiment, for immediate recall, massed repetitions were as effective as spaced, but for retention over a period of time a different story is told. The material learned by the massing of repetitions is forgotten much more rapidly. Two weeks or a month after the original readings almost three times as much of the material read daily for five days is recalled as of that which was read five times in succession.
Not all the experimental studies on this topic have shown differences as marked as those cited, but the overwhelming majority has shown an advantage of some form of distributed practice as compared with the massing of repetitions. There is some evidence that the advantages of spaced repetitions are greater for the learning of more difficult than for that of very easy material and that they are greater for relatively meaningless as compared with more meaningful material. While it is hard to make any blanket recommendations, it would seem that for most forms of motor learning the spacing of repetitions is better than massing them. In most rote ideational learning, spacing probably has an advantage over massing. In the development of concepts and in problem solving involving common mental sets, the massing of practice is best, but where a shift in mental set is required spacing has an advantage. (Sawrey and Telford in Education Psychology)

Give the best summary of the second paragraph.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

There is considerable evidence that time is a factor in learning. There seems to be something going on during periods of rest, particularly immediately following practice, that influence the consolidation and retention of that which has been practised. We do not know just what goes on or how it operates, but the evidence is quite clear that some type of spacing of repetitions facilitates learning and has an even more favourable effect on retention. 
One experimenter set out to discover whether the method of spaced repetitions was more effective than that of massed repetitions for the purpose of learning ordinary meaningful material. Thirty short selections in history and the same number in economics represented the material to be studied. Each assignment was read through five times, either at one sitting, one right after the other (massed reading), or once a day for five successive days (spaced readings).  Subjects and conditions were so rotated as to cancel out practice and fatigue effects for the two conditions. At varying intervals after the original readings, the subjects wrote all that could be recalled of the selections read. The amounts retained after varying time intervals were also determined.
The results show some interesting differences. When tested immediately after the original readings, 66 per cent of the material read five times in one day was recalled as compared with 64 per cent of the material read once daily for five successive days. This difference is not significant. When tested two weeks later, only 13 per cent of the material read five times in succession was recalled, whereas 47 per cent of that read daily for five days was reproduced. After one month, 11 per cent and 33 per cent respectively, were recalled (Austin 1921). In this particular experiment, for immediate recall, massed repetitions were as effective as spaced, but for retention over a period of time a different story is told. The material learned by the massing of repetitions is forgotten much more rapidly. Two weeks or a month after the original readings almost three times as much of the material read daily for five days is recalled as of that which was read five times in succession.
Not all the experimental studies on this topic have shown differences as marked as those cited, but the overwhelming majority has shown an advantage of some form of distributed practice as compared with the massing of repetitions. There is some evidence that the advantages of spaced repetitions are greater for the learning of more difficult than for that of very easy material and that they are greater for relatively meaningless as compared with more meaningful material. While it is hard to make any blanket recommendations, it would seem that for most forms of motor learning the spacing of repetitions is better than massing them. In most rote ideational learning, spacing probably has an advantage over massing. In the development of concepts and in problem solving involving common mental sets, the massing of practice is best, but where a shift in mental set is required spacing has an advantage. (Sawrey and Telford in Education Psychology)

Give the best summary of the first paragraph of the passage.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Since any stimulus is potentially a secondary source of drive and any source of drive may become associated with behaviour which brings reinforcement, the social sources of drive can be almost infinite in number. Social sources of drive combine with relevant activities to form motives. A motive consists of an increase in drive plus its associated goal-oriented behavioural trends. A drive state which has acquired goal direction through learning constitutes a motive.
The goals towards which motives are oriented constitute incentives. Incentives may be objects, conditions, or experiences. Incentives may be either immediate or close at hand, or they may be delayed and remote. They may represent sub-goals which are desirable only because they lead to larger, more significant and remote goals. The educationally significant reinforcements (rewards and punishments) represent incentives which are used to instigate and sustain activity. Since the motivational properties of incentives are acquired, they will vary tremendously from person to person and from situation to situation. The potency of a given incentive depends on the strength of the relevant motive and the degree to which the individual sees the goal as satisfying the motive in terms of risk and effort. Some incentives which are important educationally derive this importance from the cultural context in which they are embedded. The potency of social incentives represents the relative attractiveness of certain social experiences in terms of their probable contribution to the individual’s social acceptance, the degree to which he is liked and loved (affiliative motives), or admired, respected, and envied (prestige motivation).   
The number of possible motives is so great that for discussion purposes, it usually helps to classify them in some way. All such classifications are arbitrary and become useful only within a limited context. One classification, which is meaningful in an educational context, divides the social motives, into two large groups—the affiliation-oriented motives and the prestige-oriented motives. These two groups—sometimes called ‘motives’ rather than ‘group of motives’—have been given various names. Some refer to these motives as ‘needs’.
The affiliative motives constitute the most basic socially-oriented behavioural trends. They represent a continuum ranging from a degree to be with other people rather than to be alone (gregariousness), at one end, to a preference for the presence of people with whom we have a common language and interest (social interaction) as contrasted with ‘foreignness,’ to a preference for people with whom we have had previous pleasant experience (friends) as compared with strangers, as intermediate categories, to a desire to have continued intimate contact with our loved ones, at the other extreme. The series of social relationships encompassed by the affiliative motives range in their degree of affectional or emotional involvement from minimal (gregariousness), to the most intimate of emotional ties as found in the parent-child, husband-wife relationship. (Educational Psychology by Sawrey and Telford)

What is the best summary of the opening paragraph?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

There is considerable evidence that time is a factor in learning. There seems to be something going on during periods of rest, particularly immediately following practice, that influence the consolidation and retention of that which has been practised. We do not know just what goes on or how it operates, but the evidence is quite clear that some type of spacing of repetitions facilitates learning and has an even more favourable effect on retention. 
One experimenter set out to discover whether the method of spaced repetitions was more effective than that of massed repetitions for the purpose of learning ordinary meaningful material. Thirty short selections in history and the same number in economics represented the material to be studied. Each assignment was read through five times, either at one sitting, one right after the other (massed reading), or once a day for five successive days (spaced readings).  Subjects and conditions were so rotated as to cancel out practice and fatigue effects for the two conditions. At varying intervals after the original readings, the subjects wrote all that could be recalled of the selections read. The amounts retained after varying time intervals were also determined.
The results show some interesting differences. When tested immediately after the original readings, 66 per cent of the material read five times in one day was recalled as compared with 64 per cent of the material read once daily for five successive days. This difference is not significant. When tested two weeks later, only 13 per cent of the material read five times in succession was recalled, whereas 47 per cent of that read daily for five days was reproduced. After one month, 11 per cent and 33 per cent respectively, were recalled (Austin 1921). In this particular experiment, for immediate recall, massed repetitions were as effective as spaced, but for retention over a period of time a different story is told. The material learned by the massing of repetitions is forgotten much more rapidly. Two weeks or a month after the original readings almost three times as much of the material read daily for five days is recalled as of that which was read five times in succession.
Not all the experimental studies on this topic have shown differences as marked as those cited, but the overwhelming majority has shown an advantage of some form of distributed practice as compared with the massing of repetitions. There is some evidence that the advantages of spaced repetitions are greater for the learning of more difficult than for that of very easy material and that they are greater for relatively meaningless as compared with more meaningful material. While it is hard to make any blanket recommendations, it would seem that for most forms of motor learning the spacing of repetitions is better than massing them. In most rote ideational learning, spacing probably has an advantage over massing. In the development of concepts and in problem solving involving common mental sets, the massing of practice is best, but where a shift in mental set is required spacing has an advantage. (Sawrey and Telford in Education Psychology)

Which of the following is the underlying idea of the passage?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Since any stimulus is potentially a secondary source of drive and any source of drive may become associated with behaviour which brings reinforcement, the social sources of drive can be almost infinite in number. Social sources of drive combine with relevant activities to form motives. A motive consists of an increase in drive plus its associated goal-oriented behavioural trends. A drive state which has acquired goal direction through learning constitutes a motive.
The goals towards which motives are oriented constitute incentives. Incentives may be objects, conditions, or experiences. Incentives may be either immediate or close at hand, or they may be delayed and remote. They may represent sub-goals which are desirable only because they lead to larger, more significant and remote goals. The educationally significant reinforcements (rewards and punishments) represent incentives which are used to instigate and sustain activity. Since the motivational properties of incentives are acquired, they will vary tremendously from person to person and from situation to situation. The potency of a given incentive depends on the strength of the relevant motive and the degree to which the individual sees the goal as satisfying the motive in terms of risk and effort. Some incentives which are important educationally derive this importance from the cultural context in which they are embedded. The potency of social incentives represents the relative attractiveness of certain social experiences in terms of their probable contribution to the individual’s social acceptance, the degree to which he is liked and loved (affiliative motives), or admired, respected, and envied (prestige motivation).   
The number of possible motives is so great that for discussion purposes, it usually helps to classify them in some way. All such classifications are arbitrary and become useful only within a limited context. One classification, which is meaningful in an educational context, divides the social motives, into two large groups—the affiliation-oriented motives and the prestige-oriented motives. These two groups—sometimes called ‘motives’ rather than ‘group of motives’—have been given various names. Some refer to these motives as ‘needs’.
The affiliative motives constitute the most basic socially-oriented behavioural trends. They represent a continuum ranging from a degree to be with other people rather than to be alone (gregariousness), at one end, to a preference for the presence of people with whom we have a common language and interest (social interaction) as contrasted with ‘foreignness,’ to a preference for people with whom we have had previous pleasant experience (friends) as compared with strangers, as intermediate categories, to a desire to have continued intimate contact with our loved ones, at the other extreme. The series of social relationships encompassed by the affiliative motives range in their degree of affectional or emotional involvement from minimal (gregariousness), to the most intimate of emotional ties as found in the parent-child, husband-wife relationship. (Educational Psychology by Sawrey and Telford)

Which of the following best summarizes the third paragraph?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

There is considerable evidence that time is a factor in learning. There seems to be something going on during periods of rest, particularly immediately following practice, that influence the consolidation and retention of that which has been practised. We do not know just what goes on or how it operates, but the evidence is quite clear that some type of spacing of repetitions facilitates learning and has an even more favourable effect on retention. 
One experimenter set out to discover whether the method of spaced repetitions was more effective than that of massed repetitions for the purpose of learning ordinary meaningful material. Thirty short selections in history and the same number in economics represented the material to be studied. Each assignment was read through five times, either at one sitting, one right after the other (massed reading), or once a day for five successive days (spaced readings).  Subjects and conditions were so rotated as to cancel out practice and fatigue effects for the two conditions. At varying intervals after the original readings, the subjects wrote all that could be recalled of the selections read. The amounts retained after varying time intervals were also determined.
The results show some interesting differences. When tested immediately after the original readings, 66 per cent of the material read five times in one day was recalled as compared with 64 per cent of the material read once daily for five successive days. This difference is not significant. When tested two weeks later, only 13 per cent of the material read five times in succession was recalled, whereas 47 per cent of that read daily for five days was reproduced. After one month, 11 per cent and 33 per cent respectively, were recalled (Austin 1921). In this particular experiment, for immediate recall, massed repetitions were as effective as spaced, but for retention over a period of time a different story is told. The material learned by the massing of repetitions is forgotten much more rapidly. Two weeks or a month after the original readings almost three times as much of the material read daily for five days is recalled as of that which was read five times in succession.
Not all the experimental studies on this topic have shown differences as marked as those cited, but the overwhelming majority has shown an advantage of some form of distributed practice as compared with the massing of repetitions. There is some evidence that the advantages of spaced repetitions are greater for the learning of more difficult than for that of very easy material and that they are greater for relatively meaningless as compared with more meaningful material. While it is hard to make any blanket recommendations, it would seem that for most forms of motor learning the spacing of repetitions is better than massing them. In most rote ideational learning, spacing probably has an advantage over massing. In the development of concepts and in problem solving involving common mental sets, the massing of practice is best, but where a shift in mental set is required spacing has an advantage. (Sawrey and Telford in Education Psychology)

What is the best summary of the last paragraph of the passage?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

There is considerable evidence that time is a factor in learning. There seems to be something going on during periods of rest, particularly immediately following practice, that influence the consolidation and retention of that which has been practised. We do not know just what goes on or how it operates, but the evidence is quite clear that some type of spacing of repetitions facilitates learning and has an even more favourable effect on retention. 
One experimenter set out to discover whether the method of spaced repetitions was more effective than that of massed repetitions for the purpose of learning ordinary meaningful material. Thirty short selections in history and the same number in economics represented the material to be studied. Each assignment was read through five times, either at one sitting, one right after the other (massed reading), or once a day for five successive days (spaced readings).  Subjects and conditions were so rotated as to cancel out practice and fatigue effects for the two conditions. At varying intervals after the original readings, the subjects wrote all that could be recalled of the selections read. The amounts retained after varying time intervals were also determined.
The results show some interesting differences. When tested immediately after the original readings, 66 per cent of the material read five times in one day was recalled as compared with 64 per cent of the material read once daily for five successive days. This difference is not significant. When tested two weeks later, only 13 per cent of the material read five times in succession was recalled, whereas 47 per cent of that read daily for five days was reproduced. After one month, 11 per cent and 33 per cent respectively, were recalled (Austin 1921). In this particular experiment, for immediate recall, massed repetitions were as effective as spaced, but for retention over a period of time a different story is told. The material learned by the massing of repetitions is forgotten much more rapidly. Two weeks or a month after the original readings almost three times as much of the material read daily for five days is recalled as of that which was read five times in succession.
Not all the experimental studies on this topic have shown differences as marked as those cited, but the overwhelming majority has shown an advantage of some form of distributed practice as compared with the massing of repetitions. There is some evidence that the advantages of spaced repetitions are greater for the learning of more difficult than for that of very easy material and that they are greater for relatively meaningless as compared with more meaningful material. While it is hard to make any blanket recommendations, it would seem that for most forms of motor learning the spacing of repetitions is better than massing them. In most rote ideational learning, spacing probably has an advantage over massing. In the development of concepts and in problem solving involving common mental sets, the massing of practice is best, but where a shift in mental set is required spacing has an advantage. (Sawrey and Telford in Education Psychology)

Which of the following would be the underlying idea of the passage?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Today, India is at the cusp of a revolution in economic growth. As a progressive nation, we have to focus on both the creation of wealth (through entrepreneurship) and the redistribution of at least a part of that wealth (by philanthropy). Philanthropy is part of the implicit social contract that nurtures and revitalizes economic prosperity. Much of the new wealth created has to be given back to the community to nurture future economic growth. This is the only way we can create hope for the large majority of our poor. Robert Kennedy once said, ‘each time a man stands up to improve the lot of others, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope.’ There is no more opportune time for us than now to create a multitude of such ripples. Today, thanks to liberalization and subsequent economic growth, a large number of Indians have the capacity to contribute. Wealth invested back into society expands opportunity for a larger section of people, and we can thus create an upheaval spiral of wealth and prosperity. This is at the core of social success in countries like the USA.
In promoting philanthropic activity, we have to focus on both the supply side of philosophy (donors) as well as the demand side (recipients). On both sides of the equation, many of our voluntary organizations have the capacity to solve problems but have little or no money to implement them. On the other hand, many of those that have the financial resources hardly have time or the focus to sustain programmes that cater to society’s demands. The need of the hour is to enthuse a large section of our affluent population to become active participants in philanthropy. According to a survey by Independent Sector, a coalition of philanthropic organization in the USA, over 80 per cent of US households donate to charitable causes, 80 million American adults involve themselves in voluntary activities, representing the equivalent of over 9 million full-time employees at a value of $239 billion. Philanthropy has allowed the USA to tackle many of its social problems. In 2000, American philanthropic contributions account for almost 2 per cent of the national income. There are similar signs of increased philanthropic activity in Latin America, Spain and Russia, to name just a few countries.
Contributions from individuals have tremendous potential in India. However, most individuals donate to religious organizations. In fact, this accounts for about 35 per cent of donations made by Indians. Further, a majority of voluntary organizations in India lack the marketing and branding skills and the methodology to tap this very important source of funds. Owing to lack of transparency and accountability, many voluntary organizations suffer from serious crises of credibility. This often deters individuals from contributing to welfare or developmental projects.
Public trust, it needs to be remembered, is the singlemost important asset of the philanthropic community. Without it, donors will not give and volunteers will not get involved. This implies accountability to the public and to the charitable intent of the donors. Improved performance also requires lowering the cost of administration and investing in more effective strategies for social change. Programme evaluation, focus on results, and even impact studies to measure the effectiveness of social investments are part of this. Independent Sector in the USA outlines a series of steps the philanthropic and non-profit sector take to ensure accountability. We need a similar code in India. (Narayan Murthy in A Better India A Better World)

What is the best summary of the passage?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The temptation, to any man who is interested in ideas and primarily in literature, to put literature into the corner until he cleaned up the whole country first, is almost irresistible. Some persons have succeeded so well in this later profession of setting the house in order, and have attracted so much more attention than Arnold, that we must conclude that it is indeed their proper role, and that they have done well for themselves in laying literature aside.
Not only is the critic tempted outside of criticism. The criticism proper betrays such poverty of ideas and such atrophy of sensibility that men who ought to preserve their critical ability for the improvement of their own creative work are tempted into criticism. This is not to suggest as a corollary to this that the ‘creative’ gift is ‘higher’ than the critical.  When one creative mind is better than another, the reason often is that the better is the more critical. But the great bulk of the work of criticism could have been done by minds of the second order, and it is just these minds of the second order that are difficult to find. They are necessary for the rapid circulation of ideas. The periodical press—the ideal literary periodical—is an instrument of transport; and the literary periodical press is dependent upon the existence of a sufficient number of second-order (not ‘second rate,’ the expression is too derogatory) minds to supply its material. These minds are necessary for that ‘current of ideas,’ that ‘society permeated by fresh thought,’ of which Arnold Speaks.
It is a perpetual heresy of English to believe that only the first-order mind, the Genius, the Great Man, matters; that he is solitary, and produced best in the least favourable environment, perhaps the Public School; and that it is most likely a sign of inferiority that Paris can show so many minds of the second order. If too much bad verse is published in London, it does not occur to us to raise our standards, to do anything to educate the poetasters; the remedy is, kill them off.
We quite agree that poetry is not a formula. It is part of the business of the critic to preserve tradition—where a good tradition exists. It is part of his business to see literature steadily and to see it whole; and this is eminently to see it not as consecrated by time, but to see it beyond time; to see the best work of our time and the best work of twenty-five hundred years ago with the same eyes. It is part of his business to help the poetaster to understand his own limitations. The poetaster who understands his own limitations will be one of our useful second-order minds; a good minor poet (something which is very rare) or another good critic. As for the first-order minds, when they happen, they will be none the worse off for a ‘current of ideas’; the solitude with which they will always and everywhere be invested is a very different thing from isolation, or a monarchy of death. (T.S.Eliot in The Sacred Wood)

Which of the following is the best summary of the second paragraph?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The temptation, to any man who is interested in ideas and primarily in literature, to put literature into the corner until he cleaned up the whole country first, is almost irresistible. Some persons have succeeded so well in this later profession of setting the house in order, and have attracted so much more attention than Arnold, that we must conclude that it is indeed their proper role, and that they have done well for themselves in laying literature aside.
Not only is the critic tempted outside of criticism. The criticism proper betrays such poverty of ideas and such atrophy of sensibility that men who ought to preserve their critical ability for the improvement of their own creative work are tempted into criticism. This is not to suggest as a corollary to this that the ‘creative’ gift is ‘higher’ than the critical.  When one creative mind is better than another, the reason often is that the better is the more critical. But the great bulk of the work of criticism could have been done by minds of the second order, and it is just these minds of the second order that are difficult to find. They are necessary for the rapid circulation of ideas. The periodical press—the ideal literary periodical—is an instrument of transport; and the literary periodical press is dependent upon the existence of a sufficient number of second-order (not ‘second rate,’ the expression is too derogatory) minds to supply its material. These minds are necessary for that ‘current of ideas,’ that ‘society permeated by fresh thought,’ of which Arnold Speaks.
It is a perpetual heresy of English to believe that only the first-order mind, the Genius, the Great Man, matters; that he is solitary, and produced best in the least favourable environment, perhaps the Public School; and that it is most likely a sign of inferiority that Paris can show so many minds of the second order. If too much bad verse is published in London, it does not occur to us to raise our standards, to do anything to educate the poetasters; the remedy is, kill them off.
We quite agree that poetry is not a formula. It is part of the business of the critic to preserve tradition—where a good tradition exists. It is part of his business to see literature steadily and to see it whole; and this is eminently to see it not as consecrated by time, but to see it beyond time; to see the best work of our time and the best work of twenty-five hundred years ago with the same eyes. It is part of his business to help the poetaster to understand his own limitations. The poetaster who understands his own limitations will be one of our useful second-order minds; a good minor poet (something which is very rare) or another good critic. As for the first-order minds, when they happen, they will be none the worse off for a ‘current of ideas’; the solitude with which they will always and everywhere be invested is a very different thing from isolation, or a monarchy of death. (T.S.Eliot in The Sacred Wood)