Reading Comprehension Questions

Multiple choice

Which of the following statements about evolution can be extracted from the passage? I. Genetic Engineering is looked upon with trepidation because of its implied or palpable encumbrance to the process of evolution. II. Evolution is an ever continuing process in a living organism. III. Genetic Engineering is sure to convert evolution into an obsolete process.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Now that we have decoded the human genome, why don't we improve it?
The question is at present theoretical but could well emerge as the hardest of all bioethical issues. Biologists routinely alter the genes of mice, with methods that are not yet acceptable for making inheritable changes in people, but one day genetic engineers may figure out how to apply safe patches to the human biological software.
Everyone would like to have children who are healthy, beautiful and gifted. But people vary widely in all these qualities, depending on their parents' genes, and the pure luck of the draw at conception when each child gets allotted a random selection of half the parental gene pool.
Most human genes exist in several different versions in the population: some of them are great to have, some so-so and some downright deleterious.
This month the Icelandic company Decode Genetics found three quite common versions of a gene called BMP-2, each of which considerably increases its owner's risk of osteoporosis and bone fracture.
Suppose it was possible to delete any bad version of BMP-2, and of all other human genes, in a human embryo, and to replace them with good versions, without any risk to health. Would that be the right thing to do?
Parents who made such a choice would know they had given their child the best possible start in life. However expensive the procedure, it would be cheap in the long run if it saved a lifetime of medical bills, and therefore could be made available to all. Life's most serious unfairness, the difference in genetic endowment, would be erased from birth.
"One day, people may view sex as essentially recreational, and conception as something best done in the laboratory," Dr. Gregory Stock wrote recently in "Redesigning Humans.” Parents may start to believe it is "reckless and primitive to conceive a child without prior genetic testing."
Yet there are weighty arguments for not making inheritable changes to the human genome.
On the practical side, many genes have more than one effect, and swapping out the bad version of a gene can have unpredictable complications. The new gene, for example, may interact badly with the person's other genes.
But if the elimination of disease-causing variants of genes should prove successful, there might be no holding the line against parents who wanted to enhance strength or intelligence as well.
Upgrading the imperfect human material is all very well, but handling the transition between the super people and the ordinary variety promises to be awkward. Social stresses may emerge, especially if the technology does not trickle down quickly and smoothly.
Soup up those genes for I.Q.? Altering the genes that shape human behavior is not to be 0undertaken lightly. Human nature is a subtle blend of contrary qualities, the only survivor of evolution's many disastrous experiments. What could justify the risk of messing with such a delicate brew? Can't we be happy as we are, just as nature has shaped us?
"The human body and mind, highly complex and delicately balanced as a result of eons of gradual and exacting evolution, are almost certainly at risk from any ill-considered attempt at `improvement,' " the President's Council on Bioethics wrote in a report last month on the dangers of enhancing the body's natural abilities.
As the products of evolution, people may seem churlish if they challenge evolution's wisdom. But of course, evolution has none. It is a blind process that depends on constant error to create occasional lucky accidents.
By culling the unfortunate owners of bad genes, evolution keeps animals healthy and vigorous until the age of reproduction, and a bit beyond for species that provide parental care.
But evolution's rigor at favoring good genes that act early in life is mirrored by a weakness in screening out bad genes that act after the age of reproduction. Because of this weakness, evolution has failed to eliminate the bone-fracturing variants of BMP-2, and the bad, late-acting versions of many other genes in the human genome. This is the very reason that we age and die.
If evolution cannot help us after a certain age, why should we not help ourselves? Should not everyone have a right to the best versions of the genes in our collective genetic heritage, or at least to be born free of the worse ones?
And yet, if we reduce genetic differences, we risk turning the human population into one giant clone, tedious to meet with and bereft of the variation needed to respond to changing environments. The pursuit of perfection, if carried to extremes, is sure recipe for extinction.

 

  1. I

  2. II

  3. III

  4. I & II

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
A Correct answer
Explanation

(1) is the right choice as only the first statement is true. While I. is right as is obvious from the passage, III is an exaggeration of the 1st statement which cannot be proved from anything given in the passage. II is not true as per the following lines: “If evolution cannot help us after a certain age, why should we not help ourselves?”

Multiple choice

It can be inferred from the passage that ________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Now that we have decoded the human genome, why don't we improve it?
The question is at present theoretical but could well emerge as the hardest of all bioethical issues. Biologists routinely alter the genes of mice, with methods that are not yet acceptable for making inheritable changes in people, but one day genetic engineers may figure out how to apply safe patches to the human biological software.
Everyone would like to have children who are healthy, beautiful and gifted. But people vary widely in all these qualities, depending on their parents' genes, and the pure luck of the draw at conception when each child gets allotted a random selection of half the parental gene pool.
Most human genes exist in several different versions in the population: some of them are great to have, some so-so and some downright deleterious.
This month the Icelandic company Decode Genetics found three quite common versions of a gene called BMP-2, each of which considerably increases its owner's risk of osteoporosis and bone fracture.
Suppose it was possible to delete any bad version of BMP-2, and of all other human genes, in a human embryo, and to replace them with good versions, without any risk to health. Would that be the right thing to do?
Parents who made such a choice would know they had given their child the best possible start in life. However expensive the procedure, it would be cheap in the long run if it saved a lifetime of medical bills, and therefore could be made available to all. Life's most serious unfairness, the difference in genetic endowment, would be erased from birth.
"One day, people may view sex as essentially recreational, and conception as something best done in the laboratory," Dr. Gregory Stock wrote recently in "Redesigning Humans.” Parents may start to believe it is "reckless and primitive to conceive a child without prior genetic testing."
Yet there are weighty arguments for not making inheritable changes to the human genome.
On the practical side, many genes have more than one effect, and swapping out the bad version of a gene can have unpredictable complications. The new gene, for example, may interact badly with the person's other genes.
But if the elimination of disease-causing variants of genes should prove successful, there might be no holding the line against parents who wanted to enhance strength or intelligence as well.
Upgrading the imperfect human material is all very well, but handling the transition between the super people and the ordinary variety promises to be awkward. Social stresses may emerge, especially if the technology does not trickle down quickly and smoothly.
Soup up those genes for I.Q.? Altering the genes that shape human behavior is not to be 0undertaken lightly. Human nature is a subtle blend of contrary qualities, the only survivor of evolution's many disastrous experiments. What could justify the risk of messing with such a delicate brew? Can't we be happy as we are, just as nature has shaped us?
"The human body and mind, highly complex and delicately balanced as a result of eons of gradual and exacting evolution, are almost certainly at risk from any ill-considered attempt at `improvement,' " the President's Council on Bioethics wrote in a report last month on the dangers of enhancing the body's natural abilities.
As the products of evolution, people may seem churlish if they challenge evolution's wisdom. But of course, evolution has none. It is a blind process that depends on constant error to create occasional lucky accidents.
By culling the unfortunate owners of bad genes, evolution keeps animals healthy and vigorous until the age of reproduction, and a bit beyond for species that provide parental care.
But evolution's rigor at favoring good genes that act early in life is mirrored by a weakness in screening out bad genes that act after the age of reproduction. Because of this weakness, evolution has failed to eliminate the bone-fracturing variants of BMP-2, and the bad, late-acting versions of many other genes in the human genome. This is the very reason that we age and die.
If evolution cannot help us after a certain age, why should we not help ourselves? Should not everyone have a right to the best versions of the genes in our collective genetic heritage, or at least to be born free of the worse ones?
And yet, if we reduce genetic differences, we risk turning the human population into one giant clone, tedious to meet with and bereft of the variation needed to respond to changing environments. The pursuit of perfection, if carried to extremes, is sure recipe for extinction.

 

  1. parents in search of a perfect child are in favour of Genetic Engineering

  2. in-vitro fertilization is the first step towards Genetic Engineering

  3. the definition of intelligence that compounds on the adaptability of an individual lends further authenticity to the induced intelligence through genetic alteration

  4. it has been proved that genetic alterations can lead to harmful results when these alerted genes find expression in future generations

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
A Correct answer
Explanation

(1) is presumptuous at best as even if parents are in favour of a perfect child, they need not be in favour of getting one through Genetic Engineering. (2) can be derived from the following: “One day, people may view sex as essentially recreational, and conception as something best done in the laboratory,” (3) is contrary to the information given in the following lines: “Upgrading the imperfect human material is all very well, but handling the transition between the super people and the ordinary variety promises to be awkward. Social stresses may emerge, especially if the technology does not trickle down quickly and smoothly.” (4) is contrary to the information given that implies that inheritability of changes is still in doubt. (5) again can only be possible if the changes are inherited in order to be included in the gene pool.

Multiple choice

The organization of the passage can be best described as __________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Now that we have decoded the human genome, why don't we improve it?
The question is at present theoretical but could well emerge as the hardest of all bioethical issues. Biologists routinely alter the genes of mice, with methods that are not yet acceptable for making inheritable changes in people, but one day genetic engineers may figure out how to apply safe patches to the human biological software.
Everyone would like to have children who are healthy, beautiful and gifted. But people vary widely in all these qualities, depending on their parents' genes, and the pure luck of the draw at conception when each child gets allotted a random selection of half the parental gene pool.
Most human genes exist in several different versions in the population: some of them are great to have, some so-so and some downright deleterious.
This month the Icelandic company Decode Genetics found three quite common versions of a gene called BMP-2, each of which considerably increases its owner's risk of osteoporosis and bone fracture.
Suppose it was possible to delete any bad version of BMP-2, and of all other human genes, in a human embryo, and to replace them with good versions, without any risk to health. Would that be the right thing to do?
Parents who made such a choice would know they had given their child the best possible start in life. However expensive the procedure, it would be cheap in the long run if it saved a lifetime of medical bills, and therefore could be made available to all. Life's most serious unfairness, the difference in genetic endowment, would be erased from birth.
"One day, people may view sex as essentially recreational, and conception as something best done in the laboratory," Dr. Gregory Stock wrote recently in "Redesigning Humans.” Parents may start to believe it is "reckless and primitive to conceive a child without prior genetic testing."
Yet there are weighty arguments for not making inheritable changes to the human genome.
On the practical side, many genes have more than one effect, and swapping out the bad version of a gene can have unpredictable complications. The new gene, for example, may interact badly with the person's other genes.
But if the elimination of disease-causing variants of genes should prove successful, there might be no holding the line against parents who wanted to enhance strength or intelligence as well.
Upgrading the imperfect human material is all very well, but handling the transition between the super people and the ordinary variety promises to be awkward. Social stresses may emerge, especially if the technology does not trickle down quickly and smoothly.
Soup up those genes for I.Q.? Altering the genes that shape human behavior is not to be 0undertaken lightly. Human nature is a subtle blend of contrary qualities, the only survivor of evolution's many disastrous experiments. What could justify the risk of messing with such a delicate brew? Can't we be happy as we are, just as nature has shaped us?
"The human body and mind, highly complex and delicately balanced as a result of eons of gradual and exacting evolution, are almost certainly at risk from any ill-considered attempt at `improvement,' " the President's Council on Bioethics wrote in a report last month on the dangers of enhancing the body's natural abilities.
As the products of evolution, people may seem churlish if they challenge evolution's wisdom. But of course, evolution has none. It is a blind process that depends on constant error to create occasional lucky accidents.
By culling the unfortunate owners of bad genes, evolution keeps animals healthy and vigorous until the age of reproduction, and a bit beyond for species that provide parental care.
But evolution's rigor at favoring good genes that act early in life is mirrored by a weakness in screening out bad genes that act after the age of reproduction. Because of this weakness, evolution has failed to eliminate the bone-fracturing variants of BMP-2, and the bad, late-acting versions of many other genes in the human genome. This is the very reason that we age and die.
If evolution cannot help us after a certain age, why should we not help ourselves? Should not everyone have a right to the best versions of the genes in our collective genetic heritage, or at least to be born free of the worse ones?
And yet, if we reduce genetic differences, we risk turning the human population into one giant clone, tedious to meet with and bereft of the variation needed to respond to changing environments. The pursuit of perfection, if carried to extremes, is sure recipe for extinction.

 

  1. analytic explanation of the author's stand in an argument

  2. introduction of a scientific phenomenon and subsequently dissecting it

  3. a subjective analysis of a scientific technique

  4. a sequential enlisting of the pros and cons the two sides of a controversy

  5. logistic explanation of a scientific phenomenon

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(1) and (3) are not correct as the author's subjectivity of his stand is not given anywhere in the passage and neither can it be inferred from the passage. (2) is misleading as the main purpose of the passage is not to dissect Genetic Engineering but to talk about whether it is ethically correct. (5) is again not right as no logistics are given in the passage. (4) explains the organization of the passage best.

Multiple choice

The tone of the passage is _________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Essays - Capital Punishment is Our Best Solution for Unwanted Criminals

Have you been wondering where all our tax dollars are going to these days? A large amount of it is going towards maintaining murderers, rapists and thieves, and for what reason, to live the good life? The average prisoner costs the federal government one hundred and fifty dollars a day which amounts to fifty- three thousand four hundred dollars a year. Now, ask yourself this question, is it worth all this money to keep these savage criminals in jail? Do you really want these brutal criminals after release from prison roaming freely in our streets near our homes?

For all of the murderers, thieves, drug lords, rapists and any other severe law perpetrator, there must be some form of control and it must be capital punishment. Any person who kills people with no regrets or rapes innocent victims continuously, does not deserve to live in a luxurious North American penitentiary or anywhere for that matter, they deserve nothing but the death penalty. When the words ‘death penalty' or ‘capital punishment' are heard, they obviously are disturbing and uncomfortable, but so are their crimes. There is no hope for criminals with this kind of behavior and mentality. I believe that capital punishment is the key necessity.

If capital punishment was enforced for severe crimes, it would eliminate a fair amount of tax money going towards the judiciary system. If a prison were to maintain a deadly criminal sentenced for life starting at the age of thirty and living to seventy, it would cost tax payers an unbelievable amount of two million one hundred and thirty-six thousand dollars. It is hard to believe but it is true, and if that is the cost of just one criminal, imagine the astronomical amount of five hundred criminals each costing that amount of money... something must be done. Capital punishment would eliminate those figures and leave you and me a whole lot happier.

When a murderer kills a person and goes to court, he expects to get around thirty to fifty years in jail, and if he behaves well in prison, he could very well get out in half the time. It is also a fact that after the criminal has been released from prison, he will most likely perform the same acts that rendered him there in the first place. Society can't handle these brutal behaviors so therefore capital punishment will. When a criminal is sentenced to the death penalty and is executed by means of capital punishment, all the other potential murderers and rapists will get a warning. They will think twice about doing the crime after they learn of what awaits them in the end.

The fact of the matter is, it has been far too long that we have been too kind to the fiends who murder our loved ones, raped our spouses and daughters and performed other savage brutalities. By no way or justice should they be allowed to roam the streets freely after having a relaxed visit at the local penitentiary. They end up costing the taxpayer an unimaginable amount of money so that they can live in a sheltered jail while having hearty meals and access to pay-TV and other commodities. All of this is simply unnecessary for the solution is capital punishment and as long as it is put off, the longer all of these and other things will go on.

 

  1. measured

  2. nonrepresentational

  3. parochial

  4. neutral

  5. dissecting

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
C Correct answer
Explanation

(3) is the right choice as, parochial here means subjective and that is what the paragraph represents - the author's subjective opinion.

Multiple choice

Genetic Engineering can have all the following functions except ____________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Now that we have decoded the human genome, why don't we improve it?
The question is at present theoretical but could well emerge as the hardest of all bioethical issues. Biologists routinely alter the genes of mice, with methods that are not yet acceptable for making inheritable changes in people, but one day genetic engineers may figure out how to apply safe patches to the human biological software.
Everyone would like to have children who are healthy, beautiful and gifted. But people vary widely in all these qualities, depending on their parents' genes, and the pure luck of the draw at conception when each child gets allotted a random selection of half the parental gene pool.
Most human genes exist in several different versions in the population: some of them are great to have, some so-so and some downright deleterious.
This month the Icelandic company Decode Genetics found three quite common versions of a gene called BMP-2, each of which considerably increases its owner's risk of osteoporosis and bone fracture.
Suppose it was possible to delete any bad version of BMP-2, and of all other human genes, in a human embryo, and to replace them with good versions, without any risk to health. Would that be the right thing to do?
Parents who made such a choice would know they had given their child the best possible start in life. However expensive the procedure, it would be cheap in the long run if it saved a lifetime of medical bills, and therefore could be made available to all. Life's most serious unfairness, the difference in genetic endowment, would be erased from birth.
"One day, people may view sex as essentially recreational, and conception as something best done in the laboratory," Dr. Gregory Stock wrote recently in "Redesigning Humans.” Parents may start to believe it is "reckless and primitive to conceive a child without prior genetic testing."
Yet there are weighty arguments for not making inheritable changes to the human genome.
On the practical side, many genes have more than one effect, and swapping out the bad version of a gene can have unpredictable complications. The new gene, for example, may interact badly with the person's other genes.
But if the elimination of disease-causing variants of genes should prove successful, there might be no holding the line against parents who wanted to enhance strength or intelligence as well.
Upgrading the imperfect human material is all very well, but handling the transition between the super people and the ordinary variety promises to be awkward. Social stresses may emerge, especially if the technology does not trickle down quickly and smoothly.
Soup up those genes for I.Q.? Altering the genes that shape human behavior is not to be 0undertaken lightly. Human nature is a subtle blend of contrary qualities, the only survivor of evolution's many disastrous experiments. What could justify the risk of messing with such a delicate brew? Can't we be happy as we are, just as nature has shaped us?
"The human body and mind, highly complex and delicately balanced as a result of eons of gradual and exacting evolution, are almost certainly at risk from any ill-considered attempt at `improvement,' " the President's Council on Bioethics wrote in a report last month on the dangers of enhancing the body's natural abilities.
As the products of evolution, people may seem churlish if they challenge evolution's wisdom. But of course, evolution has none. It is a blind process that depends on constant error to create occasional lucky accidents.
By culling the unfortunate owners of bad genes, evolution keeps animals healthy and vigorous until the age of reproduction, and a bit beyond for species that provide parental care.
But evolution's rigor at favoring good genes that act early in life is mirrored by a weakness in screening out bad genes that act after the age of reproduction. Because of this weakness, evolution has failed to eliminate the bone-fracturing variants of BMP-2, and the bad, late-acting versions of many other genes in the human genome. This is the very reason that we age and die.
If evolution cannot help us after a certain age, why should we not help ourselves? Should not everyone have a right to the best versions of the genes in our collective genetic heritage, or at least to be born free of the worse ones?
And yet, if we reduce genetic differences, we risk turning the human population into one giant clone, tedious to meet with and bereft of the variation needed to respond to changing environments. The pursuit of perfection, if carried to extremes, is sure recipe for extinction.

 

  1. advancement of the Species

  2. selection of the characteristics of the progeny

  3. selection and isolation of certain genetic components of some disorders

  4. preservation through replication

  5. banishment of mediocrity

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
A Correct answer
Explanation

(1) is the right choice because the question whether Genetic Engineering will ultimately result in the advancement of species or its extinction is still a controversy which in turn is the basic intention behind the passage.

Multiple choice

The following can be derived about Cathcart's work from the passage, except _____________________. 

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Walton and Cockcroft: the names don't carry quite the same historic resonance as Watson and Crick. Yet the most enduring work of Ernest Walton and John Cockcroft -- splitting the nucleus of the atom -- can hold its own with the discovery of DNA's structure among the turning points of 20th-century science, and now, with Brian Cathcart's ''Fly in the Cathedral,'' they even get their own ''Double Helix,'' sort of.

In that unlikely 1968 best seller, James Watson created a new kind of popular science book, one that unveils the human side of science -- the ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery that, arguably, play as great a role in revolutionary breakthroughs as objective evaluations of empirical evidence do. Ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery might well have played a 10role at Cambridge in 1932 -- 21 years before Watson and Francis Crick walked into the Eagle pub there one lunchtime and famously crowed that they'd just discovered the secret of life -- but you wouldn't know it from the historical record. Back in the early 1930's, young university researchers in Britain were still taking direction from the last vestiges of what Cathcart calls ''the age of the gentleman scientist,'' from pillars of probity who manned their workbenches with a seemingly thorough disregard for the outside world -- the scientific equivalent of a stiff upper lip.

For Walton and Cockcroft, that pillar was Sir Ernest Rutherford. At a time when physicists had begun to challenge the prevailing model of the atom as a kind of permeable pudding filled with plum like electrons, it was Rutherford who arrived at an alternate model, one consisting almost entirely of empty space. The outermost electrons, Rutherford proposed, would define the farthest 20boundary of this near void, while a nucleus, dense enough to deflect a few incoming particles yet compact enough so that the vast majority would miss, would reside at the center like ''a gnat in the Albert Hall,'' in Rutherford's words. Or, in a popular analogy of the day, like a fly in a cathedral. In 1929 Rutherford, by then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge, assigned Walton and Cockcroft the task of catching that fly and splitting it.

They weren't alone. Several competitors in the States were also trying to swat the nucleus, a pursuit that inaugurated not only a new theoretical era of nuclear physics, but a new technological era of ''big physics.'' The kind of equipment Walton, Cockcroft and their contemporaries had to improvise would never again fit on one gentleman's workbench. Today some particle accelerators are so vast, Cathcart writes, they ''may be seen from space.''

30Cathcart devotes much of the book to the inner workings of lab machinery, and for good reason. His two central characters were hardly colorful. Cockcroft was ''an exceptionally good listener,'' but said so little that his children had a rule ''that Daddy could not leave the dinner table until he had uttered two whole sentences,'' Cathcart reports. And while the British author C. P. Snow recounted how Cockcroft took to the streets of Cambridge announcing, ''We've split the atom. We've split the atom,'' on the day of the crucial breakthrough, the anecdote is almost certainly apocryphal. The two scientists had sworn to tell no one the secret on which their professional lives now depended. Moreover, as Snow himself noted, Cockcroft led ''a singularly modest and self-effacing life.''

The same may be said of Walton. After reuniting with a sweetheart from his Belfast school days, 40he addressed his courtship letters to his future wife ''Dear Miss Wilson'' and signed them ''Ernest Walton.''

When Walton and Cockcroft began their collaboration in 1929, they hardly knew each other, and when they split the nucleus of an atom three years later, that still seemed to be the case. Given their limitations as heroes, it's not surprising that Cathcart would devote six pages to the design of the rectifier, a dizzyingly complex piece of scientific equipment, and only one brisk paragraph to the death of Cockcroft's ''beautiful and much adored'' 2-year-old son.

Cathcart, a former reporter for Reuters and The Independent of London, may lack a formal background in physics, but he has a talent for making the scientific process accessible to non-specialists. When he focuses on the pursuit rather than the pursuers, he captures the considerable 50suspense and exhilaration among physicists of the 20's and 30's solving some of the fundamental questions about the workings of the universe. ''The gods on Olympus did not have a better time,'' he writes. It's unfortunate that Walton and Cockcroft were apparently constitutionally incapable of joining the fun.

But in the end, they got the credit. Einstein himself said that E = mc2 was demonstrated experimentally by Cockcroft and Walton in 1932. In 1951 they were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. And thanks to Cathcart's meticulous reconstruction of their finest hour, they're now enjoying a further moment of glory. As characters, however, Walton and Cockcroft were no Watson and Crick.

They were, for better or worse, gentlemen.

 

  1. Cathcart's work was process oriented

  2. In spite of the lack of the imperative scientific knowledge of the author, the book still had a mass appeal

  3. The work was instrumental in giving Walton and Cockcroft whatever recognition they could boast of

  4. It was a very innovative and popular science book

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(4) is correct as it is the only choice that cannot be derived form the passage. (1) is derived from:“he focuses on the pursuit rather than the pursuers………”. (2) is derived from: “Cathcart, a former reporter for Reuters and the Independent of London, may lack a formal background in physics, but he has a talent for making the scientific process accessible to non-specialists.” (3) is derived from with Brian Cathcart's ''Fly in the Cathedral,'' they even get their own ''Double Helix,'' sort of. (5) is derived from “Cathcart devotes much of the book to the inner workings of lab machinery, and for good reason.” and “Given their limitations as heroes, it's not surprising that Cathcart would devote six pages to the design of the rectifier, a dizzyingly complex piece of scientific equipment, and only one brisk paragraph to the death of Cockcroft's ''beautiful and much adored'' 2-year-old son.”

Multiple choice

The phenomenon of bias avoidance can be attributed to ___________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Women's lack of progress in academe is well documented: in its 1999-2000 report, the AAUP's Committee on the Economic Status of the Profession found "sinking evidence of a distorted gender distribution by rank." Women are more likely than men to end up in low-paid, non-tenure-track positions that are often a dead end. Women who do manage to secure tenure-track jobs are less likely than men to be at four-year colleges; those at four-year institutions are less likely to be at highly ranked research universities. Why?

Part of the problem is gender bias, of two different types. The more familiar is the "glass ceiling" that prevents successful women from reaching the summit of their professions. What exactly is the glass ceiling? Usually, it is defined demographically by documenting the dearth of women at the top. That is why there is a dearth of women, when most academics-men as well as women-see themselves as committed to gender equality. Little information exists to help academic administrators who are determined to give women a fair shake.

In addition, many women never get near the glass ceiling because of the "maternal wall," a type of gender bias I described in a 2004 article in Employee Rights and Employment Policy Law Review. Like the glass ceiling, the maternal wall is documented demographically by showing the dearth of mothers in desirable faculty jobs. Women who have children soon after receiving their PhDs are much less likely to achieve tenure than men who have children at the same point in their careers. About 45 percent of tenured women are childless, according to University of California, Berkeley, Dean Mary Ann Mason, whose article with UC Berkeley researcher Marc Goulden appears elsewhere in this issue. The high percentage of women without children may well be linked to "bias avoidance": the attempt to avoid the maternal wall by deferring or avoiding having children, as documented in economist Robert Drago's important work.

Again, demographic documentation of the maternal wall gives well-meaning administrators little guidance on how it arises. Depressing demography does not give much guidance on how to avoid more depressing demography in the future. This article does. It describes, in lay terms, the patterns of stereotyping and gender bias that create the glass ceiling and the maternal wall. Drawing on a review of over one hundred studies, it presents the latest findings of empirical social psychology in readily usable form.

The "commonsense" view of stereotyping is of an employer who misuses demography by assuming, for example, that because mothers as a group cut back their hours after they have kids, a particular woman will do so. Economists call this thinking "statistical discrimination"; social psychologists call it "descriptive stereotyping." When an employer disadvantages women by assuming they will conform to a stereotype, "cognitive bias" is often involved. The term refers to the insight that much bias-based on gender, race, and other social categories-stems from the ways in which stereotypes shape perception, memory, and inferences.

Another kind of stereotyping, described by business school professor Diana Burgess and social psychologist Eugene Dorgida is "prescriptive stereotyping." Such stereotyping doesn't just assume stereotypical behavior; it tries to require it. In one case, Bailey v. Scott-Gallaher, Inc., an employer fired an employee who sought to return from maternity leave on the grounds that mothers should stay at home until their children are grown.

Stereotypes often produce relatively small differences, but they add up over time. According to social psychologist Virginia Valian, "Success is largely the accumulation of advantage, exploiting small gains to get bigger ones." One experiment by Valian set up a model that built in a tiny bin in favor of promoting men; after a while, 65 percent of top-level employees were male. Conversely, the "accumulation of disadvantage" for women creates very real job detriments.

The glass ceiling is composed of two different patterns. One makes it harder for women to be perceived as competent. Women's successful performance tends to be more closely scrutinized, and assessed by stricter standards than men's. Men also have to give more convincing demonstrations of incompetence to be judged incompetent overall, according to social psychologist Martha Foschi.

Women's struggle to establish competence is exacerbated both by the exercise of discretion and in the way that supposedly objective rules are applied. Studies by Marilyn Brewer have shown that when applying objective rules, men tend to create exceptions for men or to give them "the benefit of the doubt," a pattern called "leniency bias." To quote Brewer, "Coldly objective judgment seems to be reserved for members of out groups." For example, a search committee may require "all candidates" to have their dissertations completed, only to waive this requirement for a young man who comes with the "right recommendations" and "shows great promise." Indeed, social psychologists have documented that men tend to be judged on whether they show promise, whereas women in similar circumstances are often judged strictly on what they have actually accomplished.

Kay Deaux and Kim Emswiller have also shown that people tend to attribute their own behavior, or that of their in group, to stable causes, while they attribute the behavior of out groups to situational causes: he's brilliant, but she just got lucky. This tendency is called "attribution bias."

In addition, facts that fit a given stereotype are more accurately recalled than facts that do not, a pattern called "recall bias." Members of an in group are more likely to recall undesirable behavior committed by members of an out group than by in-group members. As a result, women professionals may have to try harder than men to be perceived as competent because their mistakes are remembered long after men's are forgotten.

 

  1. a desire to reach the glass ceiling

  2. a bias against women in academia

  3. a dream of reaching the vertex

  4. a social failure to resolve (2) and (3)

  5. a social failure to resolve (1) and (2)

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(5) is the right choice and it can be derived from: “In addition, many women never get near the glass ceiling because of the maternal wall, a type of gender bias I described in a 2004 article in Employee Rights and Employment Policy Law Review. Like the glass ceiling, the maternal wall is documented demographically by showing the dearth of mothers in desirable faculty jobs. Women who have children soon after receiving their PhDs are much less likely to achieve tenure than men who have children at the same point in their careers. About 45 percent of tenured women are childless, according to University of California, Berkeley, Dean Mary Ann Mason, whose article with UC Berkeley researcher Marc Goulden appears elsewhere in this issue. The high percentage of women without children may well be linked to bias avoidance: the attempt to avoid the maternal wall by deferring or avoiding having children, as documented in economist Robert Drago's important work.”

Multiple choice

What is the main purpose of the passage?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Women's lack of progress in academe is well documented: in its 1999-2000 report, the AAUP's Committee on the Economic Status of the Profession found "sinking evidence of a distorted gender distribution by rank." Women are more likely than men to end up in low-paid, non-tenure-track positions that are often a dead end. Women who do manage to secure tenure-track jobs are less likely than men to be at four-year colleges; those at four-year institutions are less likely to be at highly ranked research universities. Why?

Part of the problem is gender bias, of two different types. The more familiar is the "glass ceiling" that prevents successful women from reaching the summit of their professions. What exactly is the glass ceiling? Usually, it is defined demographically by documenting the dearth of women at the top. That is why there is a dearth of women, when most academics-men as well as women-see themselves as committed to gender equality. Little information exists to help academic administrators who are determined to give women a fair shake.

In addition, many women never get near the glass ceiling because of the "maternal wall," a type of gender bias I described in a 2004 article in Employee Rights and Employment Policy Law Review. Like the glass ceiling, the maternal wall is documented demographically by showing the dearth of mothers in desirable faculty jobs. Women who have children soon after receiving their PhDs are much less likely to achieve tenure than men who have children at the same point in their careers. About 45 percent of tenured women are childless, according to University of California, Berkeley, Dean Mary Ann Mason, whose article with UC Berkeley researcher Marc Goulden appears elsewhere in this issue. The high percentage of women without children may well be linked to "bias avoidance": the attempt to avoid the maternal wall by deferring or avoiding having children, as documented in economist Robert Drago's important work.

Again, demographic documentation of the maternal wall gives well-meaning administrators little guidance on how it arises. Depressing demography does not give much guidance on how to avoid more depressing demography in the future. This article does. It describes, in lay terms, the patterns of stereotyping and gender bias that create the glass ceiling and the maternal wall. Drawing on a review of over one hundred studies, it presents the latest findings of empirical social psychology in readily usable form.

The "commonsense" view of stereotyping is of an employer who misuses demography by assuming, for example, that because mothers as a group cut back their hours after they have kids, a particular woman will do so. Economists call this thinking "statistical discrimination"; social psychologists call it "descriptive stereotyping." When an employer disadvantages women by assuming they will conform to a stereotype, "cognitive bias" is often involved. The term refers to the insight that much bias-based on gender, race, and other social categories-stems from the ways in which stereotypes shape perception, memory, and inferences.

Another kind of stereotyping, described by business school professor Diana Burgess and social psychologist Eugene Dorgida is "prescriptive stereotyping." Such stereotyping doesn't just assume stereotypical behavior; it tries to require it. In one case, Bailey v. Scott-Gallaher, Inc., an employer fired an employee who sought to return from maternity leave on the grounds that mothers should stay at home until their children are grown.

Stereotypes often produce relatively small differences, but they add up over time. According to social psychologist Virginia Valian, "Success is largely the accumulation of advantage, exploiting small gains to get bigger ones." One experiment by Valian set up a model that built in a tiny bin in favor of promoting men; after a while, 65 percent of top-level employees were male. Conversely, the "accumulation of disadvantage" for women creates very real job detriments.

The glass ceiling is composed of two different patterns. One makes it harder for women to be perceived as competent. Women's successful performance tends to be more closely scrutinized, and assessed by stricter standards than men's. Men also have to give more convincing demonstrations of incompetence to be judged incompetent overall, according to social psychologist Martha Foschi.

Women's struggle to establish competence is exacerbated both by the exercise of discretion and in the way that supposedly objective rules are applied. Studies by Marilyn Brewer have shown that when applying objective rules, men tend to create exceptions for men or to give them "the benefit of the doubt," a pattern called "leniency bias." To quote Brewer, "Coldly objective judgment seems to be reserved for members of out groups." For example, a search committee may require "all candidates" to have their dissertations completed, only to waive this requirement for a young man who comes with the "right recommendations" and "shows great promise." Indeed, social psychologists have documented that men tend to be judged on whether they show promise, whereas women in similar circumstances are often judged strictly on what they have actually accomplished.

Kay Deaux and Kim Emswiller have also shown that people tend to attribute their own behavior, or that of their in group, to stable causes, while they attribute the behavior of out groups to situational causes: he's brilliant, but she just got lucky. This tendency is called "attribution bias."

In addition, facts that fit a given stereotype are more accurately recalled than facts that do not, a pattern called "recall bias." Members of an in group are more likely to recall undesirable behavior committed by members of an out group than by in-group members. As a result, women professionals may have to try harder than men to be perceived as competent because their mistakes are remembered long after men's are forgotten.

 

  1. To study the concept of gender bias.

  2. To study gender bias in the work scenario.

  3. To study gender bias in a work setup via the concept of a maternal wall.

  4. To study the branches of a work place gender bias.

  5. To study various forms of stereotypes faced by women.

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(4) is the correct answer as the paragraph explicates the various forms of gender bias - in a work setup.

Multiple choice

The term “feminum” applied to the metal of the wonder woman's wrist band can be called __________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Wonder Woman. Wonder Woman, in fact, has a complicated, even schizophrenic, heritage. She’s been portrayed by such diverse actors as the perky Cathy Lee Crosby and Lynda Carter, who endowed her with both a competent, working woman aura and a dose of eroticism (Lynda Carter, I discovered, is the subject of a lot of Wonder Woman fetishist erotica on the Internet these days). An Internet poll about who should play Wonder Woman, if the series were revived today, uncovered equally diverse ideas— people suggested Cher, Lucy Lawless, Angela Bassett, and Demi Moore. Clearly, in our cultural imagination, Wonder Woman is a character with many faces.

Things only get more complicated when you consider the frame narrative that explains 10 Wonder Woman’s existence. She was born as Princess Diana (interestingly paralleling another icon of womanhood) in an Amazon community that seems pretty clearly grounded in lesbianism. Although the women in this harmonious and idyllic Amazon community have gone to great lengths to hide and protect their island from incursions by men, they are nonetheless delighted when a male American army officer inadvertently crash-lands in their utopia. So smitten with him are they, in fact, that they stage a ruthless physical competition to decide who will get to pair off with him. When Diana (later Wonder Woman) wins, she happily abandons her position as a royal ruler of the Amazons to accompany him back to the United States and take a boring desk job as a lowly secretary in the army. She even trades in her cool Amazon garb for a pair of glasses 20and a meek, submissive manner.

Of course, these good-girl accoutrements can’t hold Wonder Woman’s Amazon nature in check. Faced with evil or danger, she spins herself into a wild tornado and emerges in her glamorous (though seemingly impractical) star-spangled swimsuit and kinky, high-heeled go-go boots. She skillfully pilots an invisible airplane, wields a golden lasso, and fends off bullets with her wristbands made of a mysterious metal called “feminum.” In the name of the “forces of justice and freedom,” Wonder Woman will scrap with just about anyone— originally created to fight Nazis, she actually goes on to replicate their white-supremacist doctrines, killing off Japanese people whom her comic book portrays as demonic, and fighting to the death against her African double, Nubia. In a recent comic 30book, she completely abandons the apparently socialist tenets of the Amazons and emerges as a champion of capitalist entrepreneurialism, saving a trendy, financially lucrative urban bistro from the machinations of a computer geek. To quote the superhero herself, “Great Hera!” —can’t she get her politics straight?

Of course, all of these contradictions within Wonder Woman point to the evolution of and contradictions within our social constructions of womanhood. One of the founding principles of feminist criticism is the need to be conscious of the ways that gender is a constructed category, to realize that there is nothing inherent or essential about what we associate with the feminine. As first-wave feminist Simone de Beauvoir put it, “One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman; . . . it is civilization as a whole that produces this 40creature which is described as feminine.” But beyond this foundational acknowledgement of social construction (and even this concept is debated within feminism) and a general concern with the effects of power, there is little that binds what we call “feminist criticism” into a homogeneous, or even very coherent, doctrine. There are Marxist feminists who are concerned with the way economic oppression coincides with gender; linguistically based feminists who are interested in uncovering how the very structure of language itself betrays a masculine bias and in finding new modes of expression to better accommodate women. There are feminists who look for evidence of subversive resistance and empowerment in the history of women and feminists who are interested in tracing oppression and victimization.

50Feminist criticism is expanding into a more general level to include such areas as the construction of masculinity and the constitution of sexual orientation. It is being infused with insights from the realm of Queer Theory complicated by post-colonial scholars and scholars of race who consider the ways gender intersects with nationalism, class, and race. As feminist critic Theresa de Lauretis suggests, “A new conception of the subject is, in fact, emerging from feminist analyses of women’s heterogeneous subjectivity and multiple identities . . . the differences among women may be better understood as differences within women.” It is important to realize that not only does feminism as a movement exist in the face of these contradictions and complications—within feminist criticism, within gender studies, within individual literary texts and within our 60understanding of the individual woman as a subject—but that it cannot exist without them. Perhaps, like Wonder Woman, feminist criticism remains vital because it is astonishingly diverse, open, and rigorously self-problematizing.

  1. symbolic in nature

  2. hyperbolic in nature

  3. literal in nature

  4. satirical in nature

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
A Correct answer
Explanation

(1) is the correct answer as the term 'feminum' is a symbolic representation of the term 'feminism'.

Multiple choice

To which literary genre does the phrase, ''may be seen from space'' belong?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Walton and Cockcroft: the names don't carry quite the same historic resonance as Watson and Crick. Yet the most enduring work of Ernest Walton and John Cockcroft -- splitting the nucleus of the atom -- can hold its own with the discovery of DNA's structure among the turning points of 20th-century science, and now, with Brian Cathcart's ''Fly in the Cathedral,'' they even get their own ''Double Helix,'' sort of.

In that unlikely 1968 best seller, James Watson created a new kind of popular science book, one that unveils the human side of science -- the ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery that, arguably, play as great a role in revolutionary breakthroughs as objective evaluations of empirical evidence do. Ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery might well have played a 10role at Cambridge in 1932 -- 21 years before Watson and Francis Crick walked into the Eagle pub there one lunchtime and famously crowed that they'd just discovered the secret of life -- but you wouldn't know it from the historical record. Back in the early 1930's, young university researchers in Britain were still taking direction from the last vestiges of what Cathcart calls ''the age of the gentleman scientist,'' from pillars of probity who manned their workbenches with a seemingly thorough disregard for the outside world -- the scientific equivalent of a stiff upper lip.

For Walton and Cockcroft, that pillar was Sir Ernest Rutherford. At a time when physicists had begun to challenge the prevailing model of the atom as a kind of permeable pudding filled with plum like electrons, it was Rutherford who arrived at an alternate model, one consisting almost entirely of empty space. The outermost electrons, Rutherford proposed, would define the farthest 20boundary of this near void, while a nucleus, dense enough to deflect a few incoming particles yet compact enough so that the vast majority would miss, would reside at the center like ''a gnat in the Albert Hall,'' in Rutherford's words. Or, in a popular analogy of the day, like a fly in a cathedral. In 1929 Rutherford, by then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge, assigned Walton and Cockcroft the task of catching that fly and splitting it.

They weren't alone. Several competitors in the States were also trying to swat the nucleus, a pursuit that inaugurated not only a new theoretical era of nuclear physics, but a new technological era of ''big physics.'' The kind of equipment Walton, Cockcroft and their contemporaries had to improvise would never again fit on one gentleman's workbench. Today some particle accelerators are so vast, Cathcart writes, they ''may be seen from space.''

30Cathcart devotes much of the book to the inner workings of lab machinery, and for good reason. His two central characters were hardly colorful. Cockcroft was ''an exceptionally good listener,'' but said so little that his children had a rule ''that Daddy could not leave the dinner table until he had uttered two whole sentences,'' Cathcart reports. And while the British author C. P. Snow recounted how Cockcroft took to the streets of Cambridge announcing, ''We've split the atom. We've split the atom,'' on the day of the crucial breakthrough, the anecdote is almost certainly apocryphal. The two scientists had sworn to tell no one the secret on which their professional lives now depended. Moreover, as Snow himself noted, Cockcroft led ''a singularly modest and self-effacing life.''

The same may be said of Walton. After reuniting with a sweetheart from his Belfast school days, 40he addressed his courtship letters to his future wife ''Dear Miss Wilson'' and signed them ''Ernest Walton.''

When Walton and Cockcroft began their collaboration in 1929, they hardly knew each other, and when they split the nucleus of an atom three years later, that still seemed to be the case. Given their limitations as heroes, it's not surprising that Cathcart would devote six pages to the design of the rectifier, a dizzyingly complex piece of scientific equipment, and only one brisk paragraph to the death of Cockcroft's ''beautiful and much adored'' 2-year-old son.

Cathcart, a former reporter for Reuters and The Independent of London, may lack a formal background in physics, but he has a talent for making the scientific process accessible to non-specialists. When he focuses on the pursuit rather than the pursuers, he captures the considerable 50suspense and exhilaration among physicists of the 20's and 30's solving some of the fundamental questions about the workings of the universe. ''The gods on Olympus did not have a better time,'' he writes. It's unfortunate that Walton and Cockcroft were apparently constitutionally incapable of joining the fun.

But in the end, they got the credit. Einstein himself said that E = mc2 was demonstrated experimentally by Cockcroft and Walton in 1932. In 1951 they were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. And thanks to Cathcart's meticulous reconstruction of their finest hour, they're now enjoying a further moment of glory. As characters, however, Walton and Cockcroft were no Watson and Crick.

They were, for better or worse, gentlemen.

 

  1. A hyperbole

  2. An allegory

  3. A simile

  4. A litotes

  5. An irony

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
A Correct answer
Explanation

(1) is the right answer as the phrase is a gross exaggeration and that is what a hyperbole is.

Multiple choice

Apart from gender bias, what other factor can be best attributed to the women's lack of progress in the professional world?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Women's lack of progress in academe is well documented: in its 1999-2000 report, the AAUP's Committee on the Economic Status of the Profession found "sinking evidence of a distorted gender distribution by rank." Women are more likely than men to end up in low-paid, non-tenure-track positions that are often a dead end. Women who do manage to secure tenure-track jobs are less likely than men to be at four-year colleges; those at four-year institutions are less likely to be at highly ranked research universities. Why?

Part of the problem is gender bias, of two different types. The more familiar is the "glass ceiling" that prevents successful women from reaching the summit of their professions. What exactly is the glass ceiling? Usually, it is defined demographically by documenting the dearth of women at the top. That is why there is a dearth of women, when most academics-men as well as women-see themselves as committed to gender equality. Little information exists to help academic administrators who are determined to give women a fair shake.

In addition, many women never get near the glass ceiling because of the "maternal wall," a type of gender bias I described in a 2004 article in Employee Rights and Employment Policy Law Review. Like the glass ceiling, the maternal wall is documented demographically by showing the dearth of mothers in desirable faculty jobs. Women who have children soon after receiving their PhDs are much less likely to achieve tenure than men who have children at the same point in their careers. About 45 percent of tenured women are childless, according to University of California, Berkeley, Dean Mary Ann Mason, whose article with UC Berkeley researcher Marc Goulden appears elsewhere in this issue. The high percentage of women without children may well be linked to "bias avoidance": the attempt to avoid the maternal wall by deferring or avoiding having children, as documented in economist Robert Drago's important work.

Again, demographic documentation of the maternal wall gives well-meaning administrators little guidance on how it arises. Depressing demography does not give much guidance on how to avoid more depressing demography in the future. This article does. It describes, in lay terms, the patterns of stereotyping and gender bias that create the glass ceiling and the maternal wall. Drawing on a review of over one hundred studies, it presents the latest findings of empirical social psychology in readily usable form.

The "commonsense" view of stereotyping is of an employer who misuses demography by assuming, for example, that because mothers as a group cut back their hours after they have kids, a particular woman will do so. Economists call this thinking "statistical discrimination"; social psychologists call it "descriptive stereotyping." When an employer disadvantages women by assuming they will conform to a stereotype, "cognitive bias" is often involved. The term refers to the insight that much bias-based on gender, race, and other social categories-stems from the ways in which stereotypes shape perception, memory, and inferences.

Another kind of stereotyping, described by business school professor Diana Burgess and social psychologist Eugene Dorgida is "prescriptive stereotyping." Such stereotyping doesn't just assume stereotypical behavior; it tries to require it. In one case, Bailey v. Scott-Gallaher, Inc., an employer fired an employee who sought to return from maternity leave on the grounds that mothers should stay at home until their children are grown.

Stereotypes often produce relatively small differences, but they add up over time. According to social psychologist Virginia Valian, "Success is largely the accumulation of advantage, exploiting small gains to get bigger ones." One experiment by Valian set up a model that built in a tiny bin in favor of promoting men; after a while, 65 percent of top-level employees were male. Conversely, the "accumulation of disadvantage" for women creates very real job detriments.

The glass ceiling is composed of two different patterns. One makes it harder for women to be perceived as competent. Women's successful performance tends to be more closely scrutinized, and assessed by stricter standards than men's. Men also have to give more convincing demonstrations of incompetence to be judged incompetent overall, according to social psychologist Martha Foschi.

Women's struggle to establish competence is exacerbated both by the exercise of discretion and in the way that supposedly objective rules are applied. Studies by Marilyn Brewer have shown that when applying objective rules, men tend to create exceptions for men or to give them "the benefit of the doubt," a pattern called "leniency bias." To quote Brewer, "Coldly objective judgment seems to be reserved for members of out groups." For example, a search committee may require "all candidates" to have their dissertations completed, only to waive this requirement for a young man who comes with the "right recommendations" and "shows great promise." Indeed, social psychologists have documented that men tend to be judged on whether they show promise, whereas women in similar circumstances are often judged strictly on what they have actually accomplished.

Kay Deaux and Kim Emswiller have also shown that people tend to attribute their own behavior, or that of their in group, to stable causes, while they attribute the behavior of out groups to situational causes: he's brilliant, but she just got lucky. This tendency is called "attribution bias."

In addition, facts that fit a given stereotype are more accurately recalled than facts that do not, a pattern called "recall bias." Members of an in group are more likely to recall undesirable behavior committed by members of an out group than by in-group members. As a result, women professionals may have to try harder than men to be perceived as competent because their mistakes are remembered long after men's are forgotten.

 

  1. Maternal Wall

  2. Less than adequate support system

  3. The 'glass ceiling'

  4. Lower fighting spirit

  5. Distorted gender distribution by ranks

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(2) is the right choice. 'CAN BE' in the question denotes that we have to infer the answer from the passage. (2) can be logically inferred from the passage as working women - especially the ones with children need a strong support system and the non-availability of one could be another reason for the lack of her progress in the professional front. (1) & (3) are further derivations of the gender bias. (5), as per the first paragraph is a statistical fact which helps in proving the existence of women's lack of progress in the professional world.  (4) cannot be derived from anywhere in the paragraph.

Multiple choice

According to the passage, Sir Ernest Rutherford made the following contributions to the world of science except ____________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Walton and Cockcroft: the names don't carry quite the same historic resonance as Watson and Crick. Yet the most enduring work of Ernest Walton and John Cockcroft -- splitting the nucleus of the atom -- can hold its own with the discovery of DNA's structure among the turning points of 20th-century science, and now, with Brian Cathcart's ''Fly in the Cathedral,'' they even get their own ''Double Helix,'' sort of.

In that unlikely 1968 best seller, James Watson created a new kind of popular science book, one that unveils the human side of science -- the ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery that, arguably, play as great a role in revolutionary breakthroughs as objective evaluations of empirical evidence do. Ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery might well have played a 10role at Cambridge in 1932 -- 21 years before Watson and Francis Crick walked into the Eagle pub there one lunchtime and famously crowed that they'd just discovered the secret of life -- but you wouldn't know it from the historical record. Back in the early 1930's, young university researchers in Britain were still taking direction from the last vestiges of what Cathcart calls ''the age of the gentleman scientist,'' from pillars of probity who manned their workbenches with a seemingly thorough disregard for the outside world -- the scientific equivalent of a stiff upper lip.

For Walton and Cockcroft, that pillar was Sir Ernest Rutherford. At a time when physicists had begun to challenge the prevailing model of the atom as a kind of permeable pudding filled with plum like electrons, it was Rutherford who arrived at an alternate model, one consisting almost entirely of empty space. The outermost electrons, Rutherford proposed, would define the farthest 20boundary of this near void, while a nucleus, dense enough to deflect a few incoming particles yet compact enough so that the vast majority would miss, would reside at the center like ''a gnat in the Albert Hall,'' in Rutherford's words. Or, in a popular analogy of the day, like a fly in a cathedral. In 1929 Rutherford, by then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge, assigned Walton and Cockcroft the task of catching that fly and splitting it.

They weren't alone. Several competitors in the States were also trying to swat the nucleus, a pursuit that inaugurated not only a new theoretical era of nuclear physics, but a new technological era of ''big physics.'' The kind of equipment Walton, Cockcroft and their contemporaries had to improvise would never again fit on one gentleman's workbench. Today some particle accelerators are so vast, Cathcart writes, they ''may be seen from space.''

30Cathcart devotes much of the book to the inner workings of lab machinery, and for good reason. His two central characters were hardly colorful. Cockcroft was ''an exceptionally good listener,'' but said so little that his children had a rule ''that Daddy could not leave the dinner table until he had uttered two whole sentences,'' Cathcart reports. And while the British author C. P. Snow recounted how Cockcroft took to the streets of Cambridge announcing, ''We've split the atom. We've split the atom,'' on the day of the crucial breakthrough, the anecdote is almost certainly apocryphal. The two scientists had sworn to tell no one the secret on which their professional lives now depended. Moreover, as Snow himself noted, Cockcroft led ''a singularly modest and self-effacing life.''

The same may be said of Walton. After reuniting with a sweetheart from his Belfast school days, 40he addressed his courtship letters to his future wife ''Dear Miss Wilson'' and signed them ''Ernest Walton.''

When Walton and Cockcroft began their collaboration in 1929, they hardly knew each other, and when they split the nucleus of an atom three years later, that still seemed to be the case. Given their limitations as heroes, it's not surprising that Cathcart would devote six pages to the design of the rectifier, a dizzyingly complex piece of scientific equipment, and only one brisk paragraph to the death of Cockcroft's ''beautiful and much adored'' 2-year-old son.

Cathcart, a former reporter for Reuters and The Independent of London, may lack a formal background in physics, but he has a talent for making the scientific process accessible to non-specialists. When he focuses on the pursuit rather than the pursuers, he captures the considerable 50suspense and exhilaration among physicists of the 20's and 30's solving some of the fundamental questions about the workings of the universe. ''The gods on Olympus did not have a better time,'' he writes. It's unfortunate that Walton and Cockcroft were apparently constitutionally incapable of joining the fun.

But in the end, they got the credit. Einstein himself said that E = mc2 was demonstrated experimentally by Cockcroft and Walton in 1932. In 1951 they were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. And thanks to Cathcart's meticulous reconstruction of their finest hour, they're now enjoying a further moment of glory. As characters, however, Walton and Cockcroft were no Watson and Crick.

They were, for better or worse, gentlemen.

 

  1. he was in charge of the professional stand of both Walton and Cockcroft

  2. he was the direct reason behind the book “A fly in the cathedral”

  3. he gave an alternative to an important scientific model

  4. he was a very important pillar of the scientific community

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
B Correct answer
Explanation

(2) is the right choice as; the main reason behind the book was the scientific discovery and not Rutherford. He was an indirect reason.

Multiple choice

''Double Helix'' in the first paragraph implies _________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Walton and Cockcroft: the names don't carry quite the same historic resonance as Watson and Crick. Yet the most enduring work of Ernest Walton and John Cockcroft -- splitting the nucleus of the atom -- can hold its own with the discovery of DNA's structure among the turning points of 20th-century science, and now, with Brian Cathcart's ''Fly in the Cathedral,'' they even get their own ''Double Helix,'' sort of.

In that unlikely 1968 best seller, James Watson created a new kind of popular science book, one that unveils the human side of science -- the ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery that, arguably, play as great a role in revolutionary breakthroughs as objective evaluations of empirical evidence do. Ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery might well have played a 10role at Cambridge in 1932 -- 21 years before Watson and Francis Crick walked into the Eagle pub there one lunchtime and famously crowed that they'd just discovered the secret of life -- but you wouldn't know it from the historical record. Back in the early 1930's, young university researchers in Britain were still taking direction from the last vestiges of what Cathcart calls ''the age of the gentleman scientist,'' from pillars of probity who manned their workbenches with a seemingly thorough disregard for the outside world -- the scientific equivalent of a stiff upper lip.

For Walton and Cockcroft, that pillar was Sir Ernest Rutherford. At a time when physicists had begun to challenge the prevailing model of the atom as a kind of permeable pudding filled with plum like electrons, it was Rutherford who arrived at an alternate model, one consisting almost entirely of empty space. The outermost electrons, Rutherford proposed, would define the farthest 20boundary of this near void, while a nucleus, dense enough to deflect a few incoming particles yet compact enough so that the vast majority would miss, would reside at the center like ''a gnat in the Albert Hall,'' in Rutherford's words. Or, in a popular analogy of the day, like a fly in a cathedral. In 1929 Rutherford, by then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge, assigned Walton and Cockcroft the task of catching that fly and splitting it.

They weren't alone. Several competitors in the States were also trying to swat the nucleus, a pursuit that inaugurated not only a new theoretical era of nuclear physics, but a new technological era of ''big physics.'' The kind of equipment Walton, Cockcroft and their contemporaries had to improvise would never again fit on one gentleman's workbench. Today some particle accelerators are so vast, Cathcart writes, they ''may be seen from space.''

30Cathcart devotes much of the book to the inner workings of lab machinery, and for good reason. His two central characters were hardly colorful. Cockcroft was ''an exceptionally good listener,'' but said so little that his children had a rule ''that Daddy could not leave the dinner table until he had uttered two whole sentences,'' Cathcart reports. And while the British author C. P. Snow recounted how Cockcroft took to the streets of Cambridge announcing, ''We've split the atom. We've split the atom,'' on the day of the crucial breakthrough, the anecdote is almost certainly apocryphal. The two scientists had sworn to tell no one the secret on which their professional lives now depended. Moreover, as Snow himself noted, Cockcroft led ''a singularly modest and self-effacing life.''

The same may be said of Walton. After reuniting with a sweetheart from his Belfast school days, 40he addressed his courtship letters to his future wife ''Dear Miss Wilson'' and signed them ''Ernest Walton.''

When Walton and Cockcroft began their collaboration in 1929, they hardly knew each other, and when they split the nucleus of an atom three years later, that still seemed to be the case. Given their limitations as heroes, it's not surprising that Cathcart would devote six pages to the design of the rectifier, a dizzyingly complex piece of scientific equipment, and only one brisk paragraph to the death of Cockcroft's ''beautiful and much adored'' 2-year-old son.

Cathcart, a former reporter for Reuters and The Independent of London, may lack a formal background in physics, but he has a talent for making the scientific process accessible to non-specialists. When he focuses on the pursuit rather than the pursuers, he captures the considerable 50suspense and exhilaration among physicists of the 20's and 30's solving some of the fundamental questions about the workings of the universe. ''The gods on Olympus did not have a better time,'' he writes. It's unfortunate that Walton and Cockcroft were apparently constitutionally incapable of joining the fun.

But in the end, they got the credit. Einstein himself said that E = mc2 was demonstrated experimentally by Cockcroft and Walton in 1932. In 1951 they were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. And thanks to Cathcart's meticulous reconstruction of their finest hour, they're now enjoying a further moment of glory. As characters, however, Walton and Cockcroft were no Watson and Crick.

They were, for better or worse, gentlemen.

 

  1. the structure of DNA

  2. a misnomer

  3. a point of fame

  4. a book that represented the reconstruction of the processes that lead to a scientific discovery

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(4) is the right choice as, the first 2 paragraphs imply that the book - Fly in the cathedral can be equated with the book- Double Helix which in turn is a book on DNA (again derived from the 1st paragraph.) and the following lines explicates it further- “In that unlikely 1968 best seller, James Watson created a new kind of popular science book, one that unveils the human side of science -- the ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery that, arguably, play as great a role in revolutionary breakthroughs as objective evaluations of empirical evidence do.”

Multiple choice

What does the phrase “catching that fly and splitting it” means?

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Walton and Cockcroft: the names don't carry quite the same historic resonance as Watson and Crick. Yet the most enduring work of Ernest Walton and John Cockcroft -- splitting the nucleus of the atom -- can hold its own with the discovery of DNA's structure among the turning points of 20th-century science, and now, with Brian Cathcart's ''Fly in the Cathedral,'' they even get their own ''Double Helix,'' sort of.

In that unlikely 1968 best seller, James Watson created a new kind of popular science book, one that unveils the human side of science -- the ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery that, arguably, play as great a role in revolutionary breakthroughs as objective evaluations of empirical evidence do. Ambition, pride, ill will and possible thievery might well have played a 10role at Cambridge in 1932 -- 21 years before Watson and Francis Crick walked into the Eagle pub there one lunchtime and famously crowed that they'd just discovered the secret of life -- but you wouldn't know it from the historical record. Back in the early 1930's, young university researchers in Britain were still taking direction from the last vestiges of what Cathcart calls ''the age of the gentleman scientist,'' from pillars of probity who manned their workbenches with a seemingly thorough disregard for the outside world -- the scientific equivalent of a stiff upper lip.

For Walton and Cockcroft, that pillar was Sir Ernest Rutherford. At a time when physicists had begun to challenge the prevailing model of the atom as a kind of permeable pudding filled with plum like electrons, it was Rutherford who arrived at an alternate model, one consisting almost entirely of empty space. The outermost electrons, Rutherford proposed, would define the farthest 20boundary of this near void, while a nucleus, dense enough to deflect a few incoming particles yet compact enough so that the vast majority would miss, would reside at the center like ''a gnat in the Albert Hall,'' in Rutherford's words. Or, in a popular analogy of the day, like a fly in a cathedral. In 1929 Rutherford, by then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge, assigned Walton and Cockcroft the task of catching that fly and splitting it.

They weren't alone. Several competitors in the States were also trying to swat the nucleus, a pursuit that inaugurated not only a new theoretical era of nuclear physics, but a new technological era of ''big physics.'' The kind of equipment Walton, Cockcroft and their contemporaries had to improvise would never again fit on one gentleman's workbench. Today some particle accelerators are so vast, Cathcart writes, they ''may be seen from space.''

30Cathcart devotes much of the book to the inner workings of lab machinery, and for good reason. His two central characters were hardly colorful. Cockcroft was ''an exceptionally good listener,'' but said so little that his children had a rule ''that Daddy could not leave the dinner table until he had uttered two whole sentences,'' Cathcart reports. And while the British author C. P. Snow recounted how Cockcroft took to the streets of Cambridge announcing, ''We've split the atom. We've split the atom,'' on the day of the crucial breakthrough, the anecdote is almost certainly apocryphal. The two scientists had sworn to tell no one the secret on which their professional lives now depended. Moreover, as Snow himself noted, Cockcroft led ''a singularly modest and self-effacing life.''

The same may be said of Walton. After reuniting with a sweetheart from his Belfast school days, 40he addressed his courtship letters to his future wife ''Dear Miss Wilson'' and signed them ''Ernest Walton.''

When Walton and Cockcroft began their collaboration in 1929, they hardly knew each other, and when they split the nucleus of an atom three years later, that still seemed to be the case. Given their limitations as heroes, it's not surprising that Cathcart would devote six pages to the design of the rectifier, a dizzyingly complex piece of scientific equipment, and only one brisk paragraph to the death of Cockcroft's ''beautiful and much adored'' 2-year-old son.

Cathcart, a former reporter for Reuters and The Independent of London, may lack a formal background in physics, but he has a talent for making the scientific process accessible to non-specialists. When he focuses on the pursuit rather than the pursuers, he captures the considerable 50suspense and exhilaration among physicists of the 20's and 30's solving some of the fundamental questions about the workings of the universe. ''The gods on Olympus did not have a better time,'' he writes. It's unfortunate that Walton and Cockcroft were apparently constitutionally incapable of joining the fun.

But in the end, they got the credit. Einstein himself said that E = mc2 was demonstrated experimentally by Cockcroft and Walton in 1932. In 1951 they were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics. And thanks to Cathcart's meticulous reconstruction of their finest hour, they're now enjoying a further moment of glory. As characters, however, Walton and Cockcroft were no Watson and Crick.

They were, for better or worse, gentlemen.

 

  1. going into so much detail that almost dissecting it

  2. to split and study the nucleus

  3. to wrap up the work started by Rutherford

  4. to study the structure and function of the atom

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
B Correct answer
Explanation

(2) is correct and it can be derived from lines: “Yet the most enduring work of Ernest Walton and John Cockcroft -- splitting the nucleus of the atom” & “a nucleus, dense enough to deflect a few incoming particles yet compact enough so that the vast majority would miss, would reside at the center like ''a gnat in the Albert Hall,'' in Rutherford's words. Or, in a popular analogy of the day, like a fly in a cathedral. In 1929 Rutherford, by then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge, assigned Walton and Cockcroft the task of catching that fly and splitting it.

Multiple choice

The following are the variations of the policies followed under the feminist movement except ______________________.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Wonder Woman. Wonder Woman, in fact, has a complicated, even schizophrenic, heritage. She’s been portrayed by such diverse actors as the perky Cathy Lee Crosby and Lynda Carter, who endowed her with both a competent, working woman aura and a dose of eroticism (Lynda Carter, I discovered, is the subject of a lot of Wonder Woman fetishist erotica on the Internet these days). An Internet poll about who should play Wonder Woman, if the series were revived today, uncovered equally diverse ideas— people suggested Cher, Lucy Lawless, Angela Bassett, and Demi Moore. Clearly, in our cultural imagination, Wonder Woman is a character with many faces.

Things only get more complicated when you consider the frame narrative that explains 10 Wonder Woman’s existence. She was born as Princess Diana (interestingly paralleling another icon of womanhood) in an Amazon community that seems pretty clearly grounded in lesbianism. Although the women in this harmonious and idyllic Amazon community have gone to great lengths to hide and protect their island from incursions by men, they are nonetheless delighted when a male American army officer inadvertently crash-lands in their utopia. So smitten with him are they, in fact, that they stage a ruthless physical competition to decide who will get to pair off with him. When Diana (later Wonder Woman) wins, she happily abandons her position as a royal ruler of the Amazons to accompany him back to the United States and take a boring desk job as a lowly secretary in the army. She even trades in her cool Amazon garb for a pair of glasses 20and a meek, submissive manner.

Of course, these good-girl accoutrements can’t hold Wonder Woman’s Amazon nature in check. Faced with evil or danger, she spins herself into a wild tornado and emerges in her glamorous (though seemingly impractical) star-spangled swimsuit and kinky, high-heeled go-go boots. She skillfully pilots an invisible airplane, wields a golden lasso, and fends off bullets with her wristbands made of a mysterious metal called “feminum.” In the name of the “forces of justice and freedom,” Wonder Woman will scrap with just about anyone— originally created to fight Nazis, she actually goes on to replicate their white-supremacist doctrines, killing off Japanese people whom her comic book portrays as demonic, and fighting to the death against her African double, Nubia. In a recent comic 30book, she completely abandons the apparently socialist tenets of the Amazons and emerges as a champion of capitalist entrepreneurialism, saving a trendy, financially lucrative urban bistro from the machinations of a computer geek. To quote the superhero herself, “Great Hera!” —can’t she get her politics straight?

Of course, all of these contradictions within Wonder Woman point to the evolution of and contradictions within our social constructions of womanhood. One of the founding principles of feminist criticism is the need to be conscious of the ways that gender is a constructed category, to realize that there is nothing inherent or essential about what we associate with the feminine. As first-wave feminist Simone de Beauvoir put it, “One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman; . . . it is civilization as a whole that produces this 40creature which is described as feminine.” But beyond this foundational acknowledgement of social construction (and even this concept is debated within feminism) and a general concern with the effects of power, there is little that binds what we call “feminist criticism” into a homogeneous, or even very coherent, doctrine. There are Marxist feminists who are concerned with the way economic oppression coincides with gender; linguistically based feminists who are interested in uncovering how the very structure of language itself betrays a masculine bias and in finding new modes of expression to better accommodate women. There are feminists who look for evidence of subversive resistance and empowerment in the history of women and feminists who are interested in tracing oppression and victimization.

50Feminist criticism is expanding into a more general level to include such areas as the construction of masculinity and the constitution of sexual orientation. It is being infused with insights from the realm of Queer Theory complicated by post-colonial scholars and scholars of race who consider the ways gender intersects with nationalism, class, and race. As feminist critic Theresa de Lauretis suggests, “A new conception of the subject is, in fact, emerging from feminist analyses of women’s heterogeneous subjectivity and multiple identities . . . the differences among women may be better understood as differences within women.” It is important to realize that not only does feminism as a movement exist in the face of these contradictions and complications—within feminist criticism, within gender studies, within individual literary texts and within our 60understanding of the individual woman as a subject—but that it cannot exist without them. Perhaps, like Wonder Woman, feminist criticism remains vital because it is astonishingly diverse, open, and rigorously self-problematizing.

  1. to disregard the ideas gained through the socialization process about the certain biases otherwise taken for granted by the society

  2. to understand heterogeneity in the unified composition of a woman

  3. to study the concept of gender in the backdrop of different sociological concepts

  4. to studiously dodge various repercussions of the oppression and victimization of women

Reveal answer Fill a bubble to check yourself
D Correct answer
Explanation

(4) is the right choice as the statements negate one of the very important area of interest for some feminists which can be assessed from the following lines: “There are feminists who look for evidence of subversive resistance and empowerment in the history of women and feminists who are interested in tracing oppression and victimization.”