Reading Comprehension

The power which a senior scientist exercises on his junior comrade is due to

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – II

The young scientist in India is an endangered species. The threat comes from the predatory habits of a more evolved species that is the senior scientist.

An Indian university teacher in a letter to the international science journal Nature wrote plaintively. Thesis supervisors take undue credit for the work of their protégés. A young scientist needs the goodwill and support of the scientist-in-power at every step: for completion and continuation of his work, for participation in national and international meetings and research projects, for recognition and reward and for promotion. This support is available but at a price. The price often is the sharing of credit. A worthwhile research paper or a project originating from a humble scientist would often end up with the scientist-in-power as the principal author or investigator.

The power of the senior scientist over his junior stems from the fact that science is the only profession in the world which is self-assessing. Unlike in the bureaucracy or the military where the top authority vests with non- professionals, a scientist's work can be overseen and evaluated only by fellow scientists.

Fortunately for the scientists, support for science is a badge of honour for nations aspiring to modernity. That is why the government which normally would not pay the piper unless it can call the tune, happily makes an exception in the case of science. A government would set up and fund a scientific laboratory and in a spirit of self-negation recede into the background after giving the scientists the keys to the till.

It is noteworthy that science and society operate on different principles. Society values continuity, stability and security, and turns to the past for guidance and support. Science, on the other hand, aspires to instability. It aims at creating something that did not exist before. It seeks a break with the past with an eye on the future. Any modern institution of governance must incorporate a network of checks and balances. In bureaucratic administration, these checks and balances are converted into obstacles and dead-ends, and stability is obtained through stagnancy. As a reaction to it, with a view to giving science establishments dynamism, administrative checks and balances are almost entirely dispensed with, and scientists given a free hand.

It is an irony that in today's world, feudalism can be sustained only in the administration of a modern scientific research centre. One must, however, not be unfair to the feudal lords of yesteryears whose conduct had the sanction of the times. Neo-feudalism is pernicious because it is anachronistic; it can be sustained only by a subversion of the system in the hands of the people who are entrusted with the task of upholding it.

If we define professionalism as the realisation that an institution ranks higher than an individual and that the collective goal is more important than individual ego, it must be admitted that we are an unprofessional people. It is wrong in principle to give any individual a larger- than-the-institution image. This philosophy becomes all the more debilitating, because recently there has been an alarming decline in the quality of leadership in science as in other walks of life. Under these circumstances, if a chief executive is to be projected as the master of an institution rather than its servant, this can be done only by degrading the institution. If a scientific laboratory or an institute is seen as an extension of a personality, it cannot develop any tradition which can be a source of inspiration to new entrants. It is no coincidence that in India as well as abroad, the most prestigious scientific institutes and departments are those where the name of the institution is more important than that of the individuals heading or controlling it.

According to the definition of professionalism given by the author

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – II

The young scientist in India is an endangered species. The threat comes from the predatory habits of a more evolved species that is the senior scientist.

An Indian university teacher in a letter to the international science journal Nature wrote plaintively. Thesis supervisors take undue credit for the work of their protégés. A young scientist needs the goodwill and support of the scientist-in-power at every step: for completion and continuation of his work, for participation in national and international meetings and research projects, for recognition and reward and for promotion. This support is available but at a price. The price often is the sharing of credit. A worthwhile research paper or a project originating from a humble scientist would often end up with the scientist-in-power as the principal author or investigator.

The power of the senior scientist over his junior stems from the fact that science is the only profession in the world which is self-assessing. Unlike in the bureaucracy or the military where the top authority vests with non- professionals, a scientist's work can be overseen and evaluated only by fellow scientists.

Fortunately for the scientists, support for science is a badge of honour for nations aspiring to modernity. That is why the government which normally would not pay the piper unless it can call the tune, happily makes an exception in the case of science. A government would set up and fund a scientific laboratory and in a spirit of self-negation recede into the background after giving the scientists the keys to the till.

It is noteworthy that science and society operate on different principles. Society values continuity, stability and security, and turns to the past for guidance and support. Science, on the other hand, aspires to instability. It aims at creating something that did not exist before. It seeks a break with the past with an eye on the future. Any modern institution of governance must incorporate a network of checks and balances. In bureaucratic administration, these checks and balances are converted into obstacles and dead-ends, and stability is obtained through stagnancy. As a reaction to it, with a view to giving science establishments dynamism, administrative checks and balances are almost entirely dispensed with, and scientists given a free hand.

It is an irony that in today's world, feudalism can be sustained only in the administration of a modern scientific research centre. One must, however, not be unfair to the feudal lords of yesteryears whose conduct had the sanction of the times. Neo-feudalism is pernicious because it is anachronistic; it can be sustained only by a subversion of the system in the hands of the people who are entrusted with the task of upholding it.

If we define professionalism as the realisation that an institution ranks higher than an individual and that the collective goal is more important than individual ego, it must be admitted that we are an unprofessional people. It is wrong in principle to give any individual a larger- than-the-institution image. This philosophy becomes all the more debilitating, because recently there has been an alarming decline in the quality of leadership in science as in other walks of life. Under these circumstances, if a chief executive is to be projected as the master of an institution rather than its servant, this can be done only by degrading the institution. If a scientific laboratory or an institute is seen as an extension of a personality, it cannot develop any tradition which can be a source of inspiration to new entrants. It is no coincidence that in India as well as abroad, the most prestigious scientific institutes and departments are those where the name of the institution is more important than that of the individuals heading or controlling it.

What is the primary purpose of the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – III

Given the burgeoning Oil Pool Account deficits, the Government had its task cut out: it had to grapple with the sensitive oil prices issue without further delay. There was no alternative to finding a system that insulates (to an extent) consumers without causing undue hardship to the fiscal. The new arrangement can only be a halfway house, to be refined over time. The eventual goal must be to evolve a system that balances the often conflicting interests of all the stakeholders in this critical sector. Of special importance is the functioning of the public sector oil companies that have been saddled with the twin tasks of taking on global competition and meeting social commitments within India. In the era of supposedly decontrolled prices, they were asked to subsidise two products of mass consumption — LPG and kerosene. It is politically clear that the arrangement will continue into the foreseeable future. What is more, the new arrangement itself calls attention to the fact that managerial autonomy for the oil companies remains a distant goal. In the recent past, they bore the brunt of high oil prices without being able to pass it on to consumers. That along with the burden of cross–subsidies on LPG and kerosene has eroded their profitability. For now, at any rate, there does not seem to be a better method of cushioning the impact of global oil prices.

What, as per the passage, should not discourage a student pursuing the course on news editing?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Journalism students and perhaps the public in general, have a tendency to emphasize the reportorial function. That is entirely understandable when it is considered that the reporter is the newspaper representative the public sees. In mythology, if not in fact, he is the movie character with the fearless approach, the loud voice and manner, the porkpie hat, the dangling cigarette. Furthermore, his work is frequently recognized with bylines. The reporter has a chance, at least, to become a public personality.
The copy desk role is an anonymous one. “The man in the green eyeshade” is not only virtually unknown to the public, his job is often underestimated in the newspaper office itself. A volunteer escort taking some visitors through the New York Herald Tribunehesitated at the copy desk. “This is where they write headlines, and—fix things,” he said.
This, as a matter of fact, was not a bad description, if lacking in detail.
There is no intention here to underestimate the importance of the reporter. A great newspaper is an impossibility without great reporters. No newspaper, no matter how brilliantly presented, can  rise above the solid core of fact, astutely gathered, carefully checked, and clearly written, that is the most important single ingredient of the press.
But bad editing can nullify good reporting. And bad copy desk management can take the edge off brilliant news gathering by constricting its presentation, both in the way it is written and in its typographical presentation. Copy editing and make up, most would say, are the basic principles of newspaper work, though it could be added that copy editing is basic to communications in general. Wherever language is employed to communicate to a mass audience, some sort of copyreader is essential. The basic skills in newspaper editing are valuable assets to the communications technician in the fields of advertising, radio, television, magazines, trade journals, public relations, books, movies, etc.
In all these areas, competence to improve the flow and meaningfulness of language, to safeguard accuracy, and to present the finished product in an attractive package is at a high premium. A good newspaper copy editor with sufficient flexibility in his makeup can carry his skill into any of these fields.
The student, therefore, who is required to pursue a course in news editing, should not let the fact that the course has a newspaper orientation discourage him. If he makes the most of the opportunity to acquire real skill, that skill will pay off in any branch of journalism.

What, according to the passage, is the most visible part of journalism?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Journalism students and perhaps the public in general, have a tendency to emphasize the reportorial function. That is entirely understandable when it is considered that the reporter is the newspaper representative the public sees. In mythology, if not in fact, he is the movie character with the fearless approach, the loud voice and manner, the porkpie hat, the dangling cigarette. Furthermore, his work is frequently recognized with bylines. The reporter has a chance, at least, to become a public personality.
The copy desk role is an anonymous one. “The man in the green eyeshade” is not only virtually unknown to the public, his job is often underestimated in the newspaper office itself. A volunteer escort taking some visitors through the New York Herald Tribunehesitated at the copy desk. “This is where they write headlines, and—fix things,” he said.
This, as a matter of fact, was not a bad description, if lacking in detail.
There is no intention here to underestimate the importance of the reporter. A great newspaper is an impossibility without great reporters. No newspaper, no matter how brilliantly presented, can  rise above the solid core of fact, astutely gathered, carefully checked, and clearly written, that is the most important single ingredient of the press.
But bad editing can nullify good reporting. And bad copy desk management can take the edge off brilliant news gathering by constricting its presentation, both in the way it is written and in its typographical presentation. Copy editing and make up, most would say, are the basic principles of newspaper work, though it could be added that copy editing is basic to communications in general. Wherever language is employed to communicate to a mass audience, some sort of copyreader is essential. The basic skills in newspaper editing are valuable assets to the communications technician in the fields of advertising, radio, television, magazines, trade journals, public relations, books, movies, etc.
In all these areas, competence to improve the flow and meaningfulness of language, to safeguard accuracy, and to present the finished product in an attractive package is at a high premium. A good newspaper copy editor with sufficient flexibility in his makeup can carry his skill into any of these fields.
The student, therefore, who is required to pursue a course in news editing, should not let the fact that the course has a newspaper orientation discourage him. If he makes the most of the opportunity to acquire real skill, that skill will pay off in any branch of journalism.

Which of the following cannot be said to have emanated from the passage?

1. There is an exaggerated emphasis on the reportorial function.
2. Headlines are a very important ingredient of a newspaper.
3. Copy desk role being anonymous is the least important function in a newspaper.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Journalism students and perhaps the public in general, have a tendency to emphasize the reportorial function. That is entirely understandable when it is considered that the reporter is the newspaper representative the public sees. In mythology, if not in fact, he is the movie character with the fearless approach, the loud voice and manner, the porkpie hat, the dangling cigarette. Furthermore, his work is frequently recognized with bylines. The reporter has a chance, at least, to become a public personality.
The copy desk role is an anonymous one. “The man in the green eyeshade” is not only virtually unknown to the public, his job is often underestimated in the newspaper office itself. A volunteer escort taking some visitors through the New York Herald Tribunehesitated at the copy desk. “This is where they write headlines, and—fix things,” he said.
This, as a matter of fact, was not a bad description, if lacking in detail.
There is no intention here to underestimate the importance of the reporter. A great newspaper is an impossibility without great reporters. No newspaper, no matter how brilliantly presented, can  rise above the solid core of fact, astutely gathered, carefully checked, and clearly written, that is the most important single ingredient of the press.
But bad editing can nullify good reporting. And bad copy desk management can take the edge off brilliant news gathering by constricting its presentation, both in the way it is written and in its typographical presentation. Copy editing and make up, most would say, are the basic principles of newspaper work, though it could be added that copy editing is basic to communications in general. Wherever language is employed to communicate to a mass audience, some sort of copyreader is essential. The basic skills in newspaper editing are valuable assets to the communications technician in the fields of advertising, radio, television, magazines, trade journals, public relations, books, movies, etc.
In all these areas, competence to improve the flow and meaningfulness of language, to safeguard accuracy, and to present the finished product in an attractive package is at a high premium. A good newspaper copy editor with sufficient flexibility in his makeup can carry his skill into any of these fields.
The student, therefore, who is required to pursue a course in news editing, should not let the fact that the course has a newspaper orientation discourage him. If he makes the most of the opportunity to acquire real skill, that skill will pay off in any branch of journalism.

Which of the following best describes the approach of the author?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Journalism students and perhaps the public in general, have a tendency to emphasize the reportorial function. That is entirely understandable when it is considered that the reporter is the newspaper representative the public sees. In mythology, if not in fact, he is the movie character with the fearless approach, the loud voice and manner, the porkpie hat, the dangling cigarette. Furthermore, his work is frequently recognized with bylines. The reporter has a chance, at least, to become a public personality.
The copy desk role is an anonymous one. “The man in the green eyeshade” is not only virtually unknown to the public, his job is often underestimated in the newspaper office itself. A volunteer escort taking some visitors through the New York Herald Tribunehesitated at the copy desk. “This is where they write headlines, and—fix things,” he said.
This, as a matter of fact, was not a bad description, if lacking in detail.
There is no intention here to underestimate the importance of the reporter. A great newspaper is an impossibility without great reporters. No newspaper, no matter how brilliantly presented, can  rise above the solid core of fact, astutely gathered, carefully checked, and clearly written, that is the most important single ingredient of the press.
But bad editing can nullify good reporting. And bad copy desk management can take the edge off brilliant news gathering by constricting its presentation, both in the way it is written and in its typographical presentation. Copy editing and make up, most would say, are the basic principles of newspaper work, though it could be added that copy editing is basic to communications in general. Wherever language is employed to communicate to a mass audience, some sort of copyreader is essential. The basic skills in newspaper editing are valuable assets to the communications technician in the fields of advertising, radio, television, magazines, trade journals, public relations, books, movies, etc.
In all these areas, competence to improve the flow and meaningfulness of language, to safeguard accuracy, and to present the finished product in an attractive package is at a high premium. A good newspaper copy editor with sufficient flexibility in his makeup can carry his skill into any of these fields.
The student, therefore, who is required to pursue a course in news editing, should not let the fact that the course has a newspaper orientation discourage him. If he makes the most of the opportunity to acquire real skill, that skill will pay off in any branch of journalism.

The author of the passage would agree with which of the all of the following?

1. it was primarily because of the burgeoning deficit in the oil pool account that the existing system could not be sustained.
2. the only alternative the government had was to find a system to insulate consumers from the price fluctuations without doing much harm to the economy.
3. the 'Administered Price Mechanisms' was never a mechanism with truly decontrolled prices.
4. the oil companies faced the brunt of high oil prices by passing these on to the customers.

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – III

Given the burgeoning Oil Pool Account deficits, the Government had its task cut out: it had to grapple with the sensitive oil prices issue without further delay. There was no alternative to finding a system that insulates (to an extent) consumers without causing undue hardship to the fiscal. The new arrangement can only be a halfway house, to be refined over time. The eventual goal must be to evolve a system that balances the often conflicting interests of all the stakeholders in this critical sector. Of special importance is the functioning of the public sector oil companies that have been saddled with the twin tasks of taking on global competition and meeting social commitments within India. In the era of supposedly decontrolled prices, they were asked to subsidise two products of mass consumption — LPG and kerosene. It is politically clear that the arrangement will continue into the foreseeable future. What is more, the new arrangement itself calls attention to the fact that managerial autonomy for the oil companies remains a distant goal. In the recent past, they bore the brunt of high oil prices without being able to pass it on to consumers. That along with the burden of cross–subsidies on LPG and kerosene has eroded their profitability. For now, at any rate, there does not seem to be a better method of cushioning the impact of global oil prices.

Which of the following cannot be inferred about the new mechanisms from the passage?

1. The new mechanism strikes a fine balance between conflicting interests of various stakeholders in the oil sector.
2. The new arrangement provides the much sought after managerial autonomy to the oil companies.
3. The new arrangement is not the perfect solution and therefore will have to be modified in the offing.

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – III

Given the burgeoning Oil Pool Account deficits, the Government had its task cut out: it had to grapple with the sensitive oil prices issue without further delay. There was no alternative to finding a system that insulates (to an extent) consumers without causing undue hardship to the fiscal. The new arrangement can only be a halfway house, to be refined over time. The eventual goal must be to evolve a system that balances the often conflicting interests of all the stakeholders in this critical sector. Of special importance is the functioning of the public sector oil companies that have been saddled with the twin tasks of taking on global competition and meeting social commitments within India. In the era of supposedly decontrolled prices, they were asked to subsidise two products of mass consumption — LPG and kerosene. It is politically clear that the arrangement will continue into the foreseeable future. What is more, the new arrangement itself calls attention to the fact that managerial autonomy for the oil companies remains a distant goal. In the recent past, they bore the brunt of high oil prices without being able to pass it on to consumers. That along with the burden of cross–subsidies on LPG and kerosene has eroded their profitability. For now, at any rate, there does not seem to be a better method of cushioning the impact of global oil prices.

The author seems to be making a case for

Passage:
The economy, which has been on life support for the past five years, is showing signs that it might be beginning to breathe on its own but is too early to take it off the ventilator. We’ve been down this road before, only to rush back to the ER. This time, however, it seems that the swallow might just be really signaling the spring, or perhaps something close to it. With new jobs being created at a pace faster than ever in the last four years, it is expected that consumer spending will rise. With more youngsters landing jobs and moving out of their parents’ homes, a recovery in the housing market can possibly be foreseen. The economic slowdown in other parts of the world is unlikely to weigh down the economy any more than it is already. With exports rising, and domestic consumption showing a rise for the last three quarters consecutively, it is possible that we might have bounced off the bottom.
However, it is imperative that we recognize the recovery for what it is. It is not just an increase in demand, but more importantly, a result of policy initiatives that have engineered this change in the direction. It is possible that a move away from what has worked to help a stagnant economy to start walking with a heavy limp might precipitate a situation that is worse than it was four years ago.

The author is likely to agree with all of the following, EXCEPT

Passage:
The economy, which has been on life support for the past five years, is showing signs that it might be beginning to breathe on its own but is too early to take it off the ventilator. We’ve been down this road before, only to rush back to the ER. This time, however, it seems that the swallow might just be really signaling the spring, or perhaps something close to it. With new jobs being created at a pace faster than ever in the last four years, it is expected that consumer spending will rise. With more youngsters landing jobs and moving out of their parents’ homes, a recovery in the housing market can possibly be foreseen. The economic slowdown in other parts of the world is unlikely to weigh down the economy any more than it is already. With exports rising, and domestic consumption showing a rise for the last three quarters consecutively, it is possible that we might have bounced off the bottom.
However, it is imperative that we recognize the recovery for what it is. It is not just an increase in demand, but more importantly, a result of policy initiatives that have engineered this change in the direction. It is possible that a move away from what has worked to help a stagnant economy to start walking with a heavy limp might precipitate a situation that is worse than it was four years ago.

Which among the following is true about the proposed amendment of Art 356?

1. It should ensure that Art 356 is used as the last resort.
2. The proposed amendment will be the first step to check the misuse of the Art 356.
3. There has been a broad consensus regarding amendment of Art 356.
4. The proposed amendment will try to minimize the chances of the misuse of Art 356.

Directions: Read the following passage and then answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – III

The broad consensus that emerged at the Inter-State Council meeting over what is arguably the Constitution's most contentious provision — Article 356 — is a most welcome thing. The spirit of cooperative federalism has raised the hope of a constitutional amendment that will build safeguards into this emergency provision to prevent its misuse. Article 356 gives the Centre the power to take over the functions of a State Government in the event of a failure of the constitutional machinery in that State. However, the history of its use clearly reveals that it was invoked more often to fix politically inconvenient State Governments, precipitate fresh elections and for other reasons that have no relevance to the purpose of the Article.

In recent years, the judgment in the Bommai case has served as a salutary check — and indeed bar — against such misuse. The Court's ruling that the Centre cannot dissolve State legislatures unless the proclamation under Article 356 (1) is approved by the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha has served as an effective restraint during a period when no party or combination of parties has enjoyed a majority in both Houses of Parliament. This pronouncement has deterred the use of the Article for narrow, political ends. Between 1950 and 1994, when the Bommai judgment was delivered, Article 356 was used on more than 90 occasions. In many cases, State Governments were dismissed even when they enjoyed a majority in the Assembly and in other cases, without being given an opportunity to prove their strength on the floor of the House.

Among other things, such an amendment must ensure that, if used at all, the recourse to Article 356 must be a last resort — one that is embraced after exhausting the options provided by other Articles in the Constitution such as 256, 257 and, more importantly, 355. The suggestion that the Governor's report recommending President's Rule should be in the nature of a speaking order is virtually identical to the recommendation made by the NCRWC. This was that such a report should contain a precise and clear statement of all the material facts and grounds, on the basis of which the President may satisfy himself as to the existence or otherwise of the situation contemplated in Article 356. Like some other emergency provisions in the Constitution, Article 356 was introduced as an extraordinary safeguard, not something that is invoked in non-extreme circumstances. During the Constituent Assembly debates, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar even hoped it would be a dead letter, something that would never be called into operation. The purpose of the proposed constitutional amendment should be to ensure that this democratic vision of cooperative federalism comes true, however late in the day.

What is the primary purpose of the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage and then answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – III

The broad consensus that emerged at the Inter-State Council meeting over what is arguably the Constitution's most contentious provision — Article 356 — is a most welcome thing. The spirit of cooperative federalism has raised the hope of a constitutional amendment that will build safeguards into this emergency provision to prevent its misuse. Article 356 gives the Centre the power to take over the functions of a State Government in the event of a failure of the constitutional machinery in that State. However, the history of its use clearly reveals that it was invoked more often to fix politically inconvenient State Governments, precipitate fresh elections and for other reasons that have no relevance to the purpose of the Article.

In recent years, the judgment in the Bommai case has served as a salutary check — and indeed bar — against such misuse. The Court's ruling that the Centre cannot dissolve State legislatures unless the proclamation under Article 356 (1) is approved by the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha has served as an effective restraint during a period when no party or combination of parties has enjoyed a majority in both Houses of Parliament. This pronouncement has deterred the use of the Article for narrow, political ends. Between 1950 and 1994, when the Bommai judgment was delivered, Article 356 was used on more than 90 occasions. In many cases, State Governments were dismissed even when they enjoyed a majority in the Assembly and in other cases, without being given an opportunity to prove their strength on the floor of the House.

Among other things, such an amendment must ensure that, if used at all, the recourse to Article 356 must be a last resort — one that is embraced after exhausting the options provided by other Articles in the Constitution such as 256, 257 and, more importantly, 355. The suggestion that the Governor's report recommending President's Rule should be in the nature of a speaking order is virtually identical to the recommendation made by the NCRWC. This was that such a report should contain a precise and clear statement of all the material facts and grounds, on the basis of which the President may satisfy himself as to the existence or otherwise of the situation contemplated in Article 356. Like some other emergency provisions in the Constitution, Article 356 was introduced as an extraordinary safeguard, not something that is invoked in non-extreme circumstances. During the Constituent Assembly debates, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar even hoped it would be a dead letter, something that would never be called into operation. The purpose of the proposed constitutional amendment should be to ensure that this democratic vision of cooperative federalism comes true, however late in the day.

Which of the following can be inferred from the passage?

I. The S.R. Bommai case judgement acted as a salutary check against the misuse of Art 356. II. The possibility of judicial review of the imposition of Art 356 deterred the use of the article for narrow political ends. III. State governments cannot be dismissed under any condition if they have majority in the assembly.

Directions: Read the following passage and then answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – III

The broad consensus that emerged at the Inter-State Council meeting over what is arguably the Constitution's most contentious provision — Article 356 — is a most welcome thing. The spirit of cooperative federalism has raised the hope of a constitutional amendment that will build safeguards into this emergency provision to prevent its misuse. Article 356 gives the Centre the power to take over the functions of a State Government in the event of a failure of the constitutional machinery in that State. However, the history of its use clearly reveals that it was invoked more often to fix politically inconvenient State Governments, precipitate fresh elections and for other reasons that have no relevance to the purpose of the Article.

In recent years, the judgment in the Bommai case has served as a salutary check — and indeed bar — against such misuse. The Court's ruling that the Centre cannot dissolve State legislatures unless the proclamation under Article 356 (1) is approved by the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha has served as an effective restraint during a period when no party or combination of parties has enjoyed a majority in both Houses of Parliament. This pronouncement has deterred the use of the Article for narrow, political ends. Between 1950 and 1994, when the Bommai judgment was delivered, Article 356 was used on more than 90 occasions. In many cases, State Governments were dismissed even when they enjoyed a majority in the Assembly and in other cases, without being given an opportunity to prove their strength on the floor of the House.

Among other things, such an amendment must ensure that, if used at all, the recourse to Article 356 must be a last resort — one that is embraced after exhausting the options provided by other Articles in the Constitution such as 256, 257 and, more importantly, 355. The suggestion that the Governor's report recommending President's Rule should be in the nature of a speaking order is virtually identical to the recommendation made by the NCRWC. This was that such a report should contain a precise and clear statement of all the material facts and grounds, on the basis of which the President may satisfy himself as to the existence or otherwise of the situation contemplated in Article 356. Like some other emergency provisions in the Constitution, Article 356 was introduced as an extraordinary safeguard, not something that is invoked in non-extreme circumstances. During the Constituent Assembly debates, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar even hoped it would be a dead letter, something that would never be called into operation. The purpose of the proposed constitutional amendment should be to ensure that this democratic vision of cooperative federalism comes true, however late in the day.

What is the primary purpose of the passage?

Directions: Read the following passage and then answer the question that follows:

PASSAGE – I

By setting up a Group of Ministers (GoM) to study the possibilities of a Constitution Amendment Bill to provide for job reservation to the forward castes on economic grounds, the Union Government has set the ball rolling for yet another controversy on the concept of quotas. The Prime Minister's commitment came in response to a resolution orchestrated by the Chief Minister recommending statutory changes to reserve 14 per cent of Government jobs for the poor among the forward castes. The Chief Minister's shrewd move put immense pressure on parties and groups across the political spectrum. A campaign on the same issue by the Social Justice Front has been in full swing for some time; it gained strength after Jats were included in the list of Other Backward Classes a couple of years ago.

In a State where the forward castes continue to play a significant role in determining election outcomes, CM's move set the terms of the discourse. The high level of unemployment is a general problem, but it is particularly severe among people belonging to the forward castes. The proportion of educated unemployed should, after all, be higher among the forward castes than among castes kept out of the education system over the years. Political parties across the spectrum can hardly afford to gloss over this reality in a context where the Government continues to be seen as the provider of jobs. Add to this the sense of power that comes with Government jobs in most parts of India and one can understand the desperation in the quest for such opportunities.

A constitutional amendment, however, is not as simple as it is made out to be. A proposal to include the poor among the forward castes in the reservation bracket was made by the Congress party in the context of implementing the Mandal Commission's recommendation. The Narasimha Rao Government's proposal to reserve 10 per cent of Government jobs for the poor among the forward castes was struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 1992. Article 15 (4) of the Constitution, inserted by the Constitution (First Amendment) Act, 1951, is very specific. The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes aside, it sanctions special provisions for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes. Article 16 (4) sanctions reservation in Government jobs for any backward class of citizens, which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State. Article 340 relates to the appointment of a Commission to investigate the conditions of backward classes. What is established by a series of Supreme Court judgments is that only social and educational circumstances can be taken as determinants of backwardness. The proposal now is to amend the Constitution, but amendments are subject to judicial review and need to avoid falling foul of the `basic structure' doctrine propounded and refined by the Supreme Court. A consensus among political parties might turn out to be a necessary but insufficient condition for making reservation for the poor among the forward castes a feasible proposition.