Media and Public Opinion

Is the electronic media a monster that needs to be tamed?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The closure of the popular tabloid, News of the World, the arrest of the top executives of the Rupert Murdoch-run News International on phone hacking charges and the proceedings of the Leveson inquiry have focussed attention on the skewed internal workings of an otherwise vibrant British media. This has resulted in a bizarre turning of the tables. A readership accustomed to viewing the media as white knights in shining armour puncturing the pretensions of the powerful and the pompous has suddenly been exposed to unethical practices, blatant illegalities and the cosy relationship that exists between the fourth estate and politicians. 
The results have not been edifying. In the past, the media conducted themselves with the militant cussedness of trade unions. Every right was fiercely guarded and transformed into a privilege; every hint of regulation was instantly transformed into a larger battle for democracy; and the occasional statement on accountability was painted as an insidious assault on the people’s inalienable right to know.
The boot is now on the other foot. Instead of being assiduously wooed and flattered by the powerful, the Leveson inquiry has witnessed powerful media barons such as Rupert Murdoch and his son, James, being subjected to merciless interrogation. Indeed, as the inquiry meanders from the internal workings of the newsrooms to politics, the likes of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, are having a torrid time explaining their convivial relations with the Murdoch empire. Hostile public opinion is veering to the opinion that existing laws and quasi-official bodies such as the Press Complaints Commission aren’t enough. What the media need is a public-spirited, independent regulator.
It is difficult to gauge whether or not the chairman of Press Council, Markandey Katju, was influenced by developments in London when he rushed into battle against India’s ‘unionized’ media. A high-spirited individual with very definite (and occasionally bizarre) views on all subjects ranging from Salman Rushdie’s writings to cricket’s role as a promoter of false consciousness, the retired Supreme Court judge has proffered a simple argument: if all professions are regulated, why should media be any different? Waging a turf battle against the electronic-media-appointed watchdog body headed by the former chief justice, J.S.Verma, Katju has strongly argued that the Press Council be transformed into a Media Council and assume the role of a regulator.
Katju, it would seem, had very definite ideas about editorial content and the hierarchy of news. In his perception, the media must play the role of social reformers and not fritter away their eagerness in frivolity and tittle-tattle, never mind the fact that not all their consumers are preoccupied with virtuousness. It is precisely because of his highbrow certitudes and disdain for popular journalism that his insistence on a media regulator has been viewed with a measure of amusement by the fourth estate.
If an all powerful regulator in the mould of Katju, it has been argued, assumed responsibility for the whole media, it would be tantamount to murdering diversity and ruining a vibrant and growing industry. In spelling out his philosophical preferences robustly, Katju unwittingly helped focus attention on the dangers posed by an activist regulator who would replicate the ideals of the so-called New Information Order, once favoured by the fellow travellers of the Soviet Union.

Which of the following can be inferred about media from this report?

1. it is a growing industry that would not want to be fettered.
2. it embodies the principles of freedom of expression.
3. free news is more important than controlled news.
4. a regulated media cannot be the fourth estate.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The closure of the popular tabloid, News of the World, the arrest of the top executives of the Rupert Murdoch-run News International on phone hacking charges and the proceedings of the Leveson inquiry have focussed attention on the skewed internal workings of an otherwise vibrant British media. This has resulted in a bizarre turning of the tables. A readership accustomed to viewing the media as white knights in shining armour puncturing the pretensions of the powerful and the pompous has suddenly been exposed to unethical practices, blatant illegalities and the cosy relationship that exists between the fourth estate and politicians. 
The results have not been edifying. In the past, the media conducted themselves with the militant cussedness of trade unions. Every right was fiercely guarded and transformed into a privilege; every hint of regulation was instantly transformed into a larger battle for democracy; and the occasional statement on accountability was painted as an insidious assault on the people’s inalienable right to know.
The boot is now on the other foot. Instead of being assiduously wooed and flattered by the powerful, the Leveson inquiry has witnessed powerful media barons such as Rupert Murdoch and his son, James, being subjected to merciless interrogation. Indeed, as the inquiry meanders from the internal workings of the newsrooms to politics, the likes of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, are having a torrid time explaining their convivial relations with the Murdoch empire. Hostile public opinion is veering to the opinion that existing laws and quasi-official bodies such as the Press Complaints Commission aren’t enough. What the media need is a public-spirited, independent regulator.
It is difficult to gauge whether or not the chairman of Press Council, Markandey Katju, was influenced by developments in London when he rushed into battle against India’s ‘unionized’ media. A high-spirited individual with very definite (and occasionally bizarre) views on all subjects ranging from Salman Rushdie’s writings to cricket’s role as a promoter of false consciousness, the retired Supreme Court judge has proffered a simple argument: if all professions are regulated, why should media be any different? Waging a turf battle against the electronic-media-appointed watchdog body headed by the former chief justice, J.S.Verma, Katju has strongly argued that the Press Council be transformed into a Media Council and assume the role of a regulator.
Katju, it would seem, had very definite ideas about editorial content and the hierarchy of news. In his perception, the media must play the role of social reformers and not fritter away their eagerness in frivolity and tittle-tattle, never mind the fact that not all their consumers are preoccupied with virtuousness. It is precisely because of his highbrow certitudes and disdain for popular journalism that his insistence on a media regulator has been viewed with a measure of amusement by the fourth estate.
If an all powerful regulator in the mould of Katju, it has been argued, assumed responsibility for the whole media, it would be tantamount to murdering diversity and ruining a vibrant and growing industry. In spelling out his philosophical preferences robustly, Katju unwittingly helped focus attention on the dangers posed by an activist regulator who would replicate the ideals of the so-called New Information Order, once favoured by the fellow travellers of the Soviet Union.

Whenever media is attacked, it invokes the spirit of people's inalienable right to know and largely succeeds in warding off the attack because

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The closure of the popular tabloid, News of the World, the arrest of the top executives of the Rupert Murdoch-run News International on phone hacking charges and the proceedings of the Leveson inquiry have focussed attention on the skewed internal workings of an otherwise vibrant British media. This has resulted in a bizarre turning of the tables. A readership accustomed to viewing the media as white knights in shining armour puncturing the pretensions of the powerful and the pompous has suddenly been exposed to unethical practices, blatant illegalities and the cosy relationship that exists between the fourth estate and politicians. 
The results have not been edifying. In the past, the media conducted themselves with the militant cussedness of trade unions. Every right was fiercely guarded and transformed into a privilege; every hint of regulation was instantly transformed into a larger battle for democracy; and the occasional statement on accountability was painted as an insidious assault on the people’s inalienable right to know.
The boot is now on the other foot. Instead of being assiduously wooed and flattered by the powerful, the Leveson inquiry has witnessed powerful media barons such as Rupert Murdoch and his son, James, being subjected to merciless interrogation. Indeed, as the inquiry meanders from the internal workings of the newsrooms to politics, the likes of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, are having a torrid time explaining their convivial relations with the Murdoch empire. Hostile public opinion is veering to the opinion that existing laws and quasi-official bodies such as the Press Complaints Commission aren’t enough. What the media need is a public-spirited, independent regulator.
It is difficult to gauge whether or not the chairman of Press Council, Markandey Katju, was influenced by developments in London when he rushed into battle against India’s ‘unionized’ media. A high-spirited individual with very definite (and occasionally bizarre) views on all subjects ranging from Salman Rushdie’s writings to cricket’s role as a promoter of false consciousness, the retired Supreme Court judge has proffered a simple argument: if all professions are regulated, why should media be any different? Waging a turf battle against the electronic-media-appointed watchdog body headed by the former chief justice, J.S.Verma, Katju has strongly argued that the Press Council be transformed into a Media Council and assume the role of a regulator.
Katju, it would seem, had very definite ideas about editorial content and the hierarchy of news. In his perception, the media must play the role of social reformers and not fritter away their eagerness in frivolity and tittle-tattle, never mind the fact that not all their consumers are preoccupied with virtuousness. It is precisely because of his highbrow certitudes and disdain for popular journalism that his insistence on a media regulator has been viewed with a measure of amusement by the fourth estate.
If an all powerful regulator in the mould of Katju, it has been argued, assumed responsibility for the whole media, it would be tantamount to murdering diversity and ruining a vibrant and growing industry. In spelling out his philosophical preferences robustly, Katju unwittingly helped focus attention on the dangers posed by an activist regulator who would replicate the ideals of the so-called New Information Order, once favoured by the fellow travellers of the Soviet Union.

What impact, in the author's perception, do aberrations like phone hacking have had on the otherwise vibrant British media? (i) They have seriously dented the reputation of media. (ii) They are symptomatic of a malaise that gives excuse to the forces that wish to trim the wings of the media. (iii) They can have far-reaching consequences as it showed in England.

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The closure of the popular tabloid, News of the World, the arrest of the top executives of the Rupert Murdoch-run News International on phone hacking charges and the proceedings of the Leveson inquiry have focussed attention on the skewed internal workings of an otherwise vibrant British media. This has resulted in a bizarre turning of the tables. A readership accustomed to viewing the media as white knights in shining armour puncturing the pretensions of the powerful and the pompous has suddenly been exposed to unethical practices, blatant illegalities and the cosy relationship that exists between the fourth estate and politicians. 
The results have not been edifying. In the past, the media conducted themselves with the militant cussedness of trade unions. Every right was fiercely guarded and transformed into a privilege; every hint of regulation was instantly transformed into a larger battle for democracy; and the occasional statement on accountability was painted as an insidious assault on the people’s inalienable right to know.
The boot is now on the other foot. Instead of being assiduously wooed and flattered by the powerful, the Leveson inquiry has witnessed powerful media barons such as Rupert Murdoch and his son, James, being subjected to merciless interrogation. Indeed, as the inquiry meanders from the internal workings of the newsrooms to politics, the likes of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, are having a torrid time explaining their convivial relations with the Murdoch empire. Hostile public opinion is veering to the opinion that existing laws and quasi-official bodies such as the Press Complaints Commission aren’t enough. What the media need is a public-spirited, independent regulator.
It is difficult to gauge whether or not the chairman of Press Council, Markandey Katju, was influenced by developments in London when he rushed into battle against India’s ‘unionized’ media. A high-spirited individual with very definite (and occasionally bizarre) views on all subjects ranging from Salman Rushdie’s writings to cricket’s role as a promoter of false consciousness, the retired Supreme Court judge has proffered a simple argument: if all professions are regulated, why should media be any different? Waging a turf battle against the electronic-media-appointed watchdog body headed by the former chief justice, J.S.Verma, Katju has strongly argued that the Press Council be transformed into a Media Council and assume the role of a regulator.
Katju, it would seem, had very definite ideas about editorial content and the hierarchy of news. In his perception, the media must play the role of social reformers and not fritter away their eagerness in frivolity and tittle-tattle, never mind the fact that not all their consumers are preoccupied with virtuousness. It is precisely because of his highbrow certitudes and disdain for popular journalism that his insistence on a media regulator has been viewed with a measure of amusement by the fourth estate.
If an all powerful regulator in the mould of Katju, it has been argued, assumed responsibility for the whole media, it would be tantamount to murdering diversity and ruining a vibrant and growing industry. In spelling out his philosophical preferences robustly, Katju unwittingly helped focus attention on the dangers posed by an activist regulator who would replicate the ideals of the so-called New Information Order, once favoured by the fellow travellers of the Soviet Union.

How can media play its social role with devotion and caution so that there is not another Rupert Murdoch?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

The closure of the popular tabloid, News of the World, the arrest of the top executives of the Rupert Murdoch-run News International on phone hacking charges and the proceedings of the Leveson inquiry have focussed attention on the skewed internal workings of an otherwise vibrant British media. This has resulted in a bizarre turning of the tables. A readership accustomed to viewing the media as white knights in shining armour puncturing the pretensions of the powerful and the pompous has suddenly been exposed to unethical practices, blatant illegalities and the cosy relationship that exists between the fourth estate and politicians. 
The results have not been edifying. In the past, the media conducted themselves with the militant cussedness of trade unions. Every right was fiercely guarded and transformed into a privilege; every hint of regulation was instantly transformed into a larger battle for democracy; and the occasional statement on accountability was painted as an insidious assault on the people’s inalienable right to know.
The boot is now on the other foot. Instead of being assiduously wooed and flattered by the powerful, the Leveson inquiry has witnessed powerful media barons such as Rupert Murdoch and his son, James, being subjected to merciless interrogation. Indeed, as the inquiry meanders from the internal workings of the newsrooms to politics, the likes of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, are having a torrid time explaining their convivial relations with the Murdoch empire. Hostile public opinion is veering to the opinion that existing laws and quasi-official bodies such as the Press Complaints Commission aren’t enough. What the media need is a public-spirited, independent regulator.
It is difficult to gauge whether or not the chairman of Press Council, Markandey Katju, was influenced by developments in London when he rushed into battle against India’s ‘unionized’ media. A high-spirited individual with very definite (and occasionally bizarre) views on all subjects ranging from Salman Rushdie’s writings to cricket’s role as a promoter of false consciousness, the retired Supreme Court judge has proffered a simple argument: if all professions are regulated, why should media be any different? Waging a turf battle against the electronic-media-appointed watchdog body headed by the former chief justice, J.S.Verma, Katju has strongly argued that the Press Council be transformed into a Media Council and assume the role of a regulator.
Katju, it would seem, had very definite ideas about editorial content and the hierarchy of news. In his perception, the media must play the role of social reformers and not fritter away their eagerness in frivolity and tittle-tattle, never mind the fact that not all their consumers are preoccupied with virtuousness. It is precisely because of his highbrow certitudes and disdain for popular journalism that his insistence on a media regulator has been viewed with a measure of amusement by the fourth estate.
If an all powerful regulator in the mould of Katju, it has been argued, assumed responsibility for the whole media, it would be tantamount to murdering diversity and ruining a vibrant and growing industry. In spelling out his philosophical preferences robustly, Katju unwittingly helped focus attention on the dangers posed by an activist regulator who would replicate the ideals of the so-called New Information Order, once favoured by the fellow travellers of the Soviet Union.

According to the author, who can be described as a public figure?

Directions: Read the passage given below and answer the following question.

The term “public figure” covers a relatively large spectrum of people who share the commonality of being widely known. This can range from those who play a recognisably important role in shaping society, such as politicians or CEOs, to celebrities who attract or court media attention; a public figure then could simply be described as a person who is known by a large mass of a given populous. Most public figures will utilise the media to get a message across to the public which helps further an agenda, thus the power public figures wield in shaping public opinions and perceptions is potentially huge. The media, in its role not only as broadcaster but also as watchdog, claims that information about the private lives of such publics figures should be published as it is in the public interest given the power they have. Public figures argue that while investigation into their public work is fine, they still deserve the right to privacy in their private lives extended to everyone else. The debate has recently been given additional importance by the development of Human Rights law within Europe, as privacy is now classed as a right under the European Convention of Human Rights, as well as by political scandals in many countries which have highlighted the need to scrutinise public figures’ behavior much more closely.

Which of the following statements is a true reference to the passage?

Directions: Read the given passage carefully and answer the following question.

The term “public figure” covers a relatively large spectrum of people who share the commonality of being widely known. This can range from those who play a recognisably important role in shaping society, such as politicians or CEOs, to celebrities who attract or court media attention; a public figure then could simply be described as a person who is known by a large mass of a given populous. Most public figures will utilise the media to get a message across to the public which helps further an agenda, thus the power public figures wield in shaping public opinions and perceptions is potentially huge. The media, in its role not only as broadcaster but also as watchdog, claims that information about the private lives of such public figures should be published as it is in the public interest given the power they have. Public figures argue that while investigation into their public work is fine, they still deserve the right to privacy in their private lives extended to everyone else. The debate has recently been given additional importance by the development of Human Rights law within Europe, as privacy is now classed as a right under the European Convention of Human Rights, as well as by political scandals in many countries which have highlighted the need to scrutinise public figures’ behavior much more closely.

Why does the media claim that information about the private lives of public figures should be published?

Directions: Read the passage given below and answer the following question.

The term “public figure” covers a relatively large spectrum of people who share the commonality of being widely known. This can range from those who play a recognisably important role in shaping society, such as politicians or CEOs, to celebrities who attract or court media attention; a public figure then could simply be described as a person who is known by a large mass of a given populous. Most public figures will utilise the media to get a message across to the public which helps further an agenda, thus the power public figures wield in shaping public opinions and perceptions is potentially huge. The media, in its role not only as broadcaster but also as watchdog, claims that information about the private lives of such publics figures should be published as it is in the public interest, given the power they have. Public figures argue that while investigation into their public work is fine, they still deserve the right to privacy in their private lives extended to everyone else. The debate has recently been given additional importance by the development of Human Rights law within Europe, as privacy is now classed as a right under the European Convention of Human Rights, as well as by political scandals in many countries which have highlighted the need to scrutinise public figures’ behavior much more closely.

Which of the following statements based on the passage is incorrect?

Directions: Read the passage given below and answer the following question.

The term “public figure” covers a relatively large spectrum of people who share the commonality of being widely known. This can range from those who play a recognisably important role in shaping society, such as politicians or CEOs, to celebrities who attract or court media attention; a public figure then could simply be described as a person who is known by a large mass of a given populous. Most public figures will utilise the media to get a message across to the public which helps further an agenda, thus the power public figures wield in shaping public opinions and perceptions is potentially huge. The media, in its role not only as broadcaster but also as watchdog, claims that information about the private lives of such publics figures should be published as it is in the public interest given the power they have. Public figures argue that while investigation into their public work is fine, they still deserve the right to privacy in their private lives extended to everyone else. The debate has recently been given additional importance by the development of Human Rights law within Europe, as privacy is now classed as a right under the European Convention of Human Rights, as well as by political scandals in many countries which have highlighted the need to scrutinise public figures’ behavior much more closely.

What is/are the role(s) attributed to the media in the passage?

Directions: Read the passage given below and answer the following question.

The term “public figure” covers a relatively large spectrum of people who share the commonality of being widely known. This can range from those who play a recognisably important role in shaping society, such as politicians or CEOs, to celebrities who attract or court media attention; a public figure then could simply be described as a person who is known by a large mass of a given populous. Most public figures will utilise the media to get a message across to the public which helps further an agenda, thus the power public figures wield in shaping public opinions and perceptions is potentially huge. The media, in its role, not only as a broadcaster but also as a watchdog, claims that information about the private lives of such publics figures should be published as it is in the public interest given the power they have. Public figures argue that while investigation into their public work is fine, they still deserve the right to privacy in their private lives extended to everyone else. The debate has recently been given additional importance by the development of Human Rights law within Europe, as privacy is now classed as a right under the European Convention of Human Rights, as well as by political scandals in many countries which have highlighted the need to scrutinise public figures’ behavior much more closely.

What, as per the passage, should not discourage a student pursuing the course on news editing?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Journalism students and perhaps the public in general, have a tendency to emphasize the reportorial function. That is entirely understandable when it is considered that the reporter is the newspaper representative the public sees. In mythology, if not in fact, he is the movie character with the fearless approach, the loud voice and manner, the porkpie hat, the dangling cigarette. Furthermore, his work is frequently recognized with bylines. The reporter has a chance, at least, to become a public personality.
The copy desk role is an anonymous one. “The man in the green eyeshade” is not only virtually unknown to the public, his job is often underestimated in the newspaper office itself. A volunteer escort taking some visitors through the New York Herald Tribunehesitated at the copy desk. “This is where they write headlines, and—fix things,” he said.
This, as a matter of fact, was not a bad description, if lacking in detail.
There is no intention here to underestimate the importance of the reporter. A great newspaper is an impossibility without great reporters. No newspaper, no matter how brilliantly presented, can  rise above the solid core of fact, astutely gathered, carefully checked, and clearly written, that is the most important single ingredient of the press.
But bad editing can nullify good reporting. And bad copy desk management can take the edge off brilliant news gathering by constricting its presentation, both in the way it is written and in its typographical presentation. Copy editing and make up, most would say, are the basic principles of newspaper work, though it could be added that copy editing is basic to communications in general. Wherever language is employed to communicate to a mass audience, some sort of copyreader is essential. The basic skills in newspaper editing are valuable assets to the communications technician in the fields of advertising, radio, television, magazines, trade journals, public relations, books, movies, etc.
In all these areas, competence to improve the flow and meaningfulness of language, to safeguard accuracy, and to present the finished product in an attractive package is at a high premium. A good newspaper copy editor with sufficient flexibility in his makeup can carry his skill into any of these fields.
The student, therefore, who is required to pursue a course in news editing, should not let the fact that the course has a newspaper orientation discourage him. If he makes the most of the opportunity to acquire real skill, that skill will pay off in any branch of journalism.

What, according to the passage, is the most visible part of journalism?

Directions: Answer the given question based on the following passage:

Journalism students and perhaps the public in general, have a tendency to emphasize the reportorial function. That is entirely understandable when it is considered that the reporter is the newspaper representative the public sees. In mythology, if not in fact, he is the movie character with the fearless approach, the loud voice and manner, the porkpie hat, the dangling cigarette. Furthermore, his work is frequently recognized with bylines. The reporter has a chance, at least, to become a public personality.
The copy desk role is an anonymous one. “The man in the green eyeshade” is not only virtually unknown to the public, his job is often underestimated in the newspaper office itself. A volunteer escort taking some visitors through the New York Herald Tribunehesitated at the copy desk. “This is where they write headlines, and—fix things,” he said.
This, as a matter of fact, was not a bad description, if lacking in detail.
There is no intention here to underestimate the importance of the reporter. A great newspaper is an impossibility without great reporters. No newspaper, no matter how brilliantly presented, can  rise above the solid core of fact, astutely gathered, carefully checked, and clearly written, that is the most important single ingredient of the press.
But bad editing can nullify good reporting. And bad copy desk management can take the edge off brilliant news gathering by constricting its presentation, both in the way it is written and in its typographical presentation. Copy editing and make up, most would say, are the basic principles of newspaper work, though it could be added that copy editing is basic to communications in general. Wherever language is employed to communicate to a mass audience, some sort of copyreader is essential. The basic skills in newspaper editing are valuable assets to the communications technician in the fields of advertising, radio, television, magazines, trade journals, public relations, books, movies, etc.
In all these areas, competence to improve the flow and meaningfulness of language, to safeguard accuracy, and to present the finished product in an attractive package is at a high premium. A good newspaper copy editor with sufficient flexibility in his makeup can carry his skill into any of these fields.
The student, therefore, who is required to pursue a course in news editing, should not let the fact that the course has a newspaper orientation discourage him. If he makes the most of the opportunity to acquire real skill, that skill will pay off in any branch of journalism.