Reading Comprehension - 7

Australia’s national symbol is

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

The dog fence in Australia has been erected to keep out hostile invaders, in this case hordes of yellow dogs called dingoes. The empire it preserves is that of wool growers. Yet the fence casts a much broader ecological shadow. For the early explorers, a kangaroo or a wallaby sighting marked a noteworthy event. Now try not to see one. Without a native predator there is no check on the marsupial population. The kangaroos are now cursed more than the dingoes. They have become rivals of sheep, competing for water and grass. The State Governments now cull more than three million kangaroos a year to keep Australia’s natural symbol from over running the pastoral lands.

The ‘fence’ is meant to keep the

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

The dog fence in Australia has been erected to keep out hostile invaders, in this case hordes of yellow dogs called dingoes. The empire it preserves is that of wool growers. Yet the fence casts a much broader ecological shadow. For the early explorers, a kangaroo or a wallaby sighting marked a noteworthy event. Now try not to see one. Without a native predator there is no check on the marsupial population. The kangaroos are now cursed more than the dingoes. They have become rivals of sheep, competing for water and grass. The State Governments now cull more than three million kangaroos a year to keep Australia’s natural symbol from over running the pastoral lands.

Which one of the following statements is correct?

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Not all nocturnal animals have good eyesight. Many of them concentrate on the other senses for finding their way about and for finding food. The sense of touch is very developed in many nocturnal animals, whether they have good eyes or not. The large hairs or whiskers on the faces of cats and mice are sense organs and the animals react rapidly if these whiskers are touched. The sense of smell is also very important for nocturnal animals such as hedgehogs and field mice. The moist night air holds scent much better than dry air does.

The cat’s whiskers are organs associated with the sense of

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Not all nocturnal animals have good eyesight. Many of them concentrate on the other senses for finding their way about and for finding food. The sense of touch is very developed in many nocturnal animals, whether they have good eyes or not. The large hairs or whiskers on the faces of cats and mice are sense organs and the animals react rapidly if these whiskers are touched. The sense of smell is also very important for nocturnal animals such as hedgehogs and field mice. The moist night air holds scent much better than dry air does.

What has led to the unchecked growth of the marsupial population?

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

The dog fence in Australia has been erected to keep out hostile invaders, in this case hordes of yellow dogs called dingoes. The empire it preserves is that of wool growers. Yet the fence casts a much broader ecological shadow. For the early explorers, a kangaroo or a wallaby sighting marked a noteworthy event. Now try not to see one. Without a native predator there is no check on the marsupial population. The kangaroos are now cursed more than the dingoes. They have become rivals of sheep, competing for water and grass. The State Governments now cull more than three million kangaroos a year to keep Australia’s natural symbol from over running the pastoral lands.

According to the author, if Billie Holiday had not died in her middle age:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Billie Holiday died a few weeks ago. I have been unable until now to write about her, but since she will survive many who receive longer obituaries, a short delay in one small appreciation will not harm her or us. When she died we, the musicians, critics, all who were ever transfixed by the most heart-rending voice of the past generation, grieved bitterly. There was no reason to. Few people pursued self destruction more whole-heartedly than she, and when the pursuit was at an end, at the age of forty-four, she had turned herself into a physical and artistic wreck. Some of us tried gallantly to pretend otherwise, taking comfort in the occasional moments when she still sounded like a ravaged echo of her greatness. Others had not even the heart to see and listen any more. We preferred to stay home and, if old and lucky enough to own the incomparable records of her heyday from 1937 to 1946, many of which are not even available on British LP, to recreate those coarse-textured, sinuous, sensual and unbearable sad noises which gave her a sure corner of immortality. Her physical death called, if anything, for relief rather than sorrow. What sort of middle age would she have faced without the voice to earn money for her drinks and fixes, without the looks, and in her day she was hauntingly beautiful, to attract the men she needed, without business sense, without anything but the disinterested worship of ageing men who had heard and seen her in her glory?
And yet, irrational though it is, our grief expressed Billie Holiday’s art, that of a woman for whom one must be sorry. The great blues singers, to whom she may be justly compared, played their game from strength. Lionesses, though often wounded or at bay (did not Bessie Smith call herself ‘a tiger, ready to jump’?), their tragic equivalents were Cleopatra and Phaedra; Holiday’s was an embittered Ophelia. She was the Puccini heroine among blues singers, or rather among jazz singers. For though she sang a cabaret version of the blues incomparably, her natural idiom was the op song. Her unique achievement was to have twisted this into a genuine expression of the major passions by means of a total disregard of its sugary tunes, or indeed of any tune other than her own few delicately crying elongated notes, phrased like Bessie Smith or Louis Armstrong in sackcloth, sung in a thin, gritty, haunting voice whose natural mood was an unresigned and voluptuous welcome for the pains of love. Nobody has sung, or will sing, Bess’s songs from porgy as she did. It was this combination of bitterness and physical submission, as of someone lying still while watching his legs being amputated, which give such a bloodcurdling quality to her Strange Fruit, the anti-lynching poem which she turned into an unforgettable art song. Suffering was her profession; but she did not accept it.’
Little need be said about her horrifying life, which she described with emotional, though hardly with factual, truth in her autobiography Lady sings the Blues. After an adolescence in which self-respect was measured by a girl’s insistence on picking up the coins thrown to her by clients with her hands, she was plainly beyond help. She did not lack it, for she had the flair and scrupulous honesty of John Hammond to launch her, the best musicians of the 1930s to accompany her, notably Teddy Wilson, Frankie Newton and Lester Young, the boundless devotion of all serious connoisseurs, and much public success. It was too late to arrest a career of systematic embittered self-immolation. But, while she destroyed herself, she sang, unmelodious, profound and heartbreaking. It is impossible not to weep for her, or not to hate the world, which made her what she was.

According to the passage, Billie Holiday was fortunate in all but one of the following ways:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Billie Holiday died a few weeks ago. I have been unable until now to write about her, but since she will survive many who receive longer obituaries, a short delay in one small appreciation will not harm her or us. When she died we, the musicians, critics, all who were ever transfixed by the most heart-rending voice of the past generation, grieved bitterly. There was no reason to. Few people pursued self destruction more whole-heartedly than she, and when the pursuit was at an end, at the age of forty-four, she had turned herself into a physical and artistic wreck. Some of us tried gallantly to pretend otherwise, taking comfort in the occasional moments when she still sounded like a ravaged echo of her greatness. Others had not even the heart to see and listen any more. We preferred to stay home and, if old and lucky enough to own the incomparable records of her heyday from 1937 to 1946, many of which are not even available on British LP, to recreate those coarse-textured, sinuous, sensual and unbearable sad noises which gave her a sure corner of immortality. Her physical death called, if anything, for relief rather than sorrow. What sort of middle age would she have faced without the voice to earn money for her drinks and fixes, without the looks, and in her day she was hauntingly beautiful, to attract the men she needed, without business sense, without anything but the disinterested worship of ageing men who had heard and seen her in her glory?
And yet, irrational though it is, our grief expressed Billie Holiday’s art, that of a woman for whom one must be sorry. The great blues singers, to whom she may be justly compared, played their game from strength. Lionesses, though often wounded or at bay (did not Bessie Smith call herself ‘a tiger, ready to jump’?), their tragic equivalents were Cleopatra and Phaedra; Holiday’s was an embittered Ophelia. She was the Puccini heroine among blues singers, or rather among jazz singers. For though she sang a cabaret version of the blues incomparably, her natural idiom was the op song. Her unique achievement was to have twisted this into a genuine expression of the major passions by means of a total disregard of its sugary tunes, or indeed of any tune other than her own few delicately crying elongated notes, phrased like Bessie Smith or Louis Armstrong in sackcloth, sung in a thin, gritty, haunting voice whose natural mood was an unresigned and voluptuous welcome for the pains of love. Nobody has sung, or will sing, Bess’s songs from porgy as she did. It was this combination of bitterness and physical submission, as of someone lying still while watching his legs being amputated, which give such a bloodcurdling quality to her Strange Fruit, the anti-lynching poem which she turned into an unforgettable art song. Suffering was her profession; but she did not accept it.’
Little need be said about her horrifying life, which she described with emotional, though hardly with factual, truth in her autobiography Lady sings the Blues. After an adolescence in which self-respect was measured by a girl’s insistence on picking up the coins thrown to her by clients with her hands, she was plainly beyond help. She did not lack it, for she had the flair and scrupulous honesty of John Hammond to launch her, the best musicians of the 1930s to accompany her, notably Teddy Wilson, Frankie Newton and Lester Young, the boundless devotion of all serious connoisseurs, and much public success. It was too late to arrest a career of systematic embittered self-immolation. But, while she destroyed herself, she sang, unmelodious, profound and heartbreaking. It is impossible not to weep for her, or not to hate the world, which made her what she was.

Why will Billie Holiday survive many who receive longer obituaries?

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Billie Holiday died a few weeks ago. I have been unable until now to write about her, but since she will survive many who receive longer obituaries, a short delay in one small appreciation will not harm her or us. When she died we, the musicians, critics, all who were ever transfixed by the most heart-rending voice of the past generation, grieved bitterly. There was no reason to. Few people pursued self destruction more whole-heartedly than she, and when the pursuit was at an end, at the age of forty-four, she had turned herself into a physical and artistic wreck. Some of us tried gallantly to pretend otherwise, taking comfort in the occasional moments when she still sounded like a ravaged echo of her greatness. Others had not even the heart to see and listen any more. We preferred to stay home and, if old and lucky enough to own the incomparable records of her heyday from 1937 to 1946, many of which are not even available on British LP, to recreate those coarse-textured, sinuous, sensual and unbearable sad noises which gave her a sure corner of immortality. Her physical death called, if anything, for relief rather than sorrow. What sort of middle age would she have faced without the voice to earn money for her drinks and fixes, without the looks, and in her day she was hauntingly beautiful, to attract the men she needed, without business sense, without anything but the disinterested worship of ageing men who had heard and seen her in her glory?
And yet, irrational though it is, our grief expressed Billie Holiday’s art, that of a woman for whom one must be sorry. The great blues singers, to whom she may be justly compared, played their game from strength. Lionesses, though often wounded or at bay (did not Bessie Smith call herself ‘a tiger, ready to jump’?), their tragic equivalents were Cleopatra and Phaedra; Holiday’s was an embittered Ophelia. She was the Puccini heroine among blues singers, or rather among jazz singers. For though she sang a cabaret version of the blues incomparably, her natural idiom was the op song. Her unique achievement was to have twisted this into a genuine expression of the major passions by means of a total disregard of its sugary tunes, or indeed of any tune other than her own few delicately crying elongated notes, phrased like Bessie Smith or Louis Armstrong in sackcloth, sung in a thin, gritty, haunting voice whose natural mood was an unresigned and voluptuous welcome for the pains of love. Nobody has sung, or will sing, Bess’s songs from porgy as she did. It was this combination of bitterness and physical submission, as of someone lying still while watching his legs being amputated, which give such a bloodcurdling quality to her Strange Fruit, the anti-lynching poem which she turned into an unforgettable art song. Suffering was her profession; but she did not accept it.’
Little need be said about her horrifying life, which she described with emotional, though hardly with factual, truth in her autobiography Lady sings the Blues. After an adolescence in which self-respect was measured by a girl’s insistence on picking up the coins thrown to her by clients with her hands, she was plainly beyond help. She did not lack it, for she had the flair and scrupulous honesty of John Hammond to launch her, the best musicians of the 1930s to accompany her, notably Teddy Wilson, Frankie Newton and Lester Young, the boundless devotion of all serious connoisseurs, and much public success. It was too late to arrest a career of systematic embittered self-immolation. But, while she destroyed herself, she sang, unmelodious, profound and heartbreaking. It is impossible not to weep for her, or not to hate the world, which made her what she was.

Which of the following statements is not representative of the author’s opinion?

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Billie Holiday died a few weeks ago. I have been unable until now to write about her, but since she will survive many who receive longer obituaries, a short delay in one small appreciation will not harm her or us. When she died we, the musicians, critics, all who were ever transfixed by the most heart-rending voice of the past generation, grieved bitterly. There was no reason to. Few people pursued self destruction more whole-heartedly than she, and when the pursuit was at an end, at the age of forty-four, she had turned herself into a physical and artistic wreck. Some of us tried gallantly to pretend otherwise, taking comfort in the occasional moments when she still sounded like a ravaged echo of her greatness. Others had not even the heart to see and listen any more. We preferred to stay home and, if old and lucky enough to own the incomparable records of her heyday from 1937 to 1946, many of which are not even available on British LP, to recreate those coarse-textured, sinuous, sensual and unbearable sad noises which gave her a sure corner of immortality. Her physical death called, if anything, for relief rather than sorrow. What sort of middle age would she have faced without the voice to earn money for her drinks and fixes, without the looks, and in her day she was hauntingly beautiful, to attract the men she needed, without business sense, without anything but the disinterested worship of ageing men who had heard and seen her in her glory?
And yet, irrational though it is, our grief expressed Billie Holiday’s art, that of a woman for whom one must be sorry. The great blues singers, to whom she may be justly compared, played their game from strength. Lionesses, though often wounded or at bay (did not Bessie Smith call herself ‘a tiger, ready to jump’?), their tragic equivalents were Cleopatra and Phaedra; Holiday’s was an embittered Ophelia. She was the Puccini heroine among blues singers, or rather among jazz singers. For though she sang a cabaret version of the blues incomparably, her natural idiom was the op song. Her unique achievement was to have twisted this into a genuine expression of the major passions by means of a total disregard of its sugary tunes, or indeed of any tune other than her own few delicately crying elongated notes, phrased like Bessie Smith or Louis Armstrong in sackcloth, sung in a thin, gritty, haunting voice whose natural mood was an unresigned and voluptuous welcome for the pains of love. Nobody has sung, or will sing, Bess’s songs from porgy as she did. It was this combination of bitterness and physical submission, as of someone lying still while watching his legs being amputated, which give such a bloodcurdling quality to her Strange Fruit, the anti-lynching poem which she turned into an unforgettable art song. Suffering was her profession; but she did not accept it.’
Little need be said about her horrifying life, which she described with emotional, though hardly with factual, truth in her autobiography Lady sings the Blues. After an adolescence in which self-respect was measured by a girl’s insistence on picking up the coins thrown to her by clients with her hands, she was plainly beyond help. She did not lack it, for she had the flair and scrupulous honesty of John Hammond to launch her, the best musicians of the 1930s to accompany her, notably Teddy Wilson, Frankie Newton and Lester Young, the boundless devotion of all serious connoisseurs, and much public success. It was too late to arrest a career of systematic embittered self-immolation. But, while she destroyed herself, she sang, unmelodious, profound and heartbreaking. It is impossible not to weep for her, or not to hate the world, which made her what she was.

Increase in the suicide rate during economic depression is an example of

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

Basing himself on his own indicators, Durkheim was:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

Ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres was:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

The author sat peering into the darkness, because

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blanket, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still, trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship, which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour, I must have sat like this, and then a draught of cold air suddenly roused me. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

The phrase ‘not having allowed for’ means

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blanket, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still, trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship, which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour, I must have sat like this, and then a draught of cold air suddenly roused me. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

According to Durkheim, altruistic suicide is more likely among:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

Since single adults are not heavily involved with family life they are more likely to commit suicide, which Durkheim categorised as:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

Which one of the following did the author do first?

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blanket, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still, trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship, which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour, I must have sat like this, and then a draught of cold air suddenly roused me. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

According to Durkheim, suicide rates within a social entity can be explained in terms of:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

What was Durkheim's main purpose in his study of suicide?

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

To support his contentions, Durkheim relied on the following indicators:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.

The author was thrown across the room because

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blanket, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still, trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship, which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour, I must have sat like this, and then a draught of cold air suddenly roused me. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

The author jumped out of bed because

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

I climbed into bed and rolled myself in my blanket, first extinguishing the light that burned steadily near the door. I lay still, trying to get to sleep but my fear made that impossible and soon I sat up in bed peering into the darkness and occasionally glancing at the round window in the side of the ship, which seemed like a plate suspended in the darkness. For an hour, I must have sat like this, and then a draught of cold air suddenly roused me. I jumped out of bed; not having allowed for the motion of the ship, I was instantly thrown violently across the room.

Higher suicide rates during rapid progress in a society is a manifestation of:

Directions: Read the passage and answer the question that follows.

Emile Durkheim, the first person to be formally recognised as a sociologist and the most scientific of the pioneers, conducted a study that stands as a research model for sociologists today. His investigation of suicide was, in fact, the first sociological study to use statistics. In ‘Suicide’ (1964, originally published in 1897) Durkheim documented his contention that some aspects of human behaviour, even something as allegedly individualistic as suicide, can be explained without reference to individuals.
Like all of Durkheim’s work, suicide must be viewed within the context of his concern for social integration. Durkheim wanted to see if suicide rates within a social entity (for example a group, organisation, or society) are related to the degree to which individuals are socially involved (integrated and regulated). Durkheim described three types of suicide; egoistic, anomic, and altruistic. Egoistic suicide is promoted when individuals do not have sufficient social ties. Since single (never married) adults, for example, are not heavily involved with family life, they are more likely to commit suicide than are married adults. Altruistic suicide on the other hand, is more likely to occur when social integration is too strong. The ritual suicide of Hindu widows on their husband’s funeral pyres is one example. Military personnel, trained to lay down their lives for their country, provide another illustration.
Durkheim’s third type of suicide—anomic suicide—increases when the social regulation of individuals is disrupted. For example, suicide rates increase during economic depressions. People who suddenly find themselves without a job or without hope of finding one are more prone to kill themselves. Suicides may also increase during periods of prosperity. People may loosen their social ties by taking new jobs, moving to new communities, or finding new mates.
Using data from the government population reports of several countries (much of it from the French Government Statistical Office), Durkheim found strong support for his line of reasoning. Suicide rates were higher among single than married people, among military personnel than civilians, among divorced than married people, and among people involved in nationwide economic crises.
It is important to realise that Durkheim’s primary interest was not in the empirical (observable) indicators he used such as suicide rates among military personnel, married people and so forth. Rather, Durkheim used the following indicators to support several of his contentions:
(1) social behaviour can be explained by social rather than psychological factors: (2) suicide is affected by the degree of integration and regulation within social entities; and (3) since society can be studied scientifically, sociology is worthy of recognition in the academic world. Durkheim was successful on all three counts.