By ''bulldogs under a carpet'', the author means that _______.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Bulldogs under the carpet is the famous description of past Russian power struggles. The Russian constitutional crisis of 1993 began in earnest on September 21, when Russian President Boris Yeltsin dissolved the country's parliament, which was increasingly opposing his moves to consolidate power and embark on unpopular neo–liberal reforms. He was not allowed to do this under the then–functioning constitution; after the fact, he ordered a referendum on a new constitution.

The parliament refused to dissolve, declaring Yeltsin's presidency unconstitutional. In open rebellion against Yeltsin, it appointed its own acting president. On September 28, public protests against Yeltsin's government began in earnest in the streets of Moscow, and the first blood was shed. Yeltsin's supporters surrounded the parliament building (the "Russian White House"), where the representatives and their newly–appointed leaders were staying, with barricades. For the next week, protests in the street grew, until a mass uprising erupted in the city on October 2. Russia was on the brink of civil war. At this point the military threw their support behind Yeltsin, besieged the parliament building, and slowly forced the opposing faction out over the next six days. By October 8, the "second October Revolution" had been crushed. The ten–day conflict had seen the most deadly street fighting in Moscow since the Bolshevik Revolution in October 1917: 187 had been killed and 437 wounded.

As the present round of grappling between Mr. Boris Yeltsin and the speaker of the Congress of Peoples' Deputies, Mr. Ruslan Khasbulatov, painfully shows democracy has changed nothing except to remove the carpet. The origins of the present no-holds-barred conflict between congress and president lies in the country's tatterdemalion constitution. Written by Joseph Stalin and amended to the point of illegibility it is a blueprint for chaos. The division of powers between the various arms of government is so ill defined, a crisis would have been possible even in the best of times. Today with Mr. Yeltsin attempting drastic economic changes that would undercut the influence of the new apparatchiki industrialists, conflict is all but written in the stars.

For months, congress has stymied Mr. Yeltsin's reforms. He reacted last: year by forcing a showdown that only revealed how much his own support had slipped. It was a defeat that cost him his prime ministership. Ever since, the balance of power has been tilting in Mr. Khasbulatov's favour. Hyperinflation and his subservience to the West have further eroded Mr. Yeltsin's support. The two rivals put together an agreement earlier this year by which Mr. Yeltsin handed over more authority to the legislature in return for a constitutional referendum in April. Canceling this referendum is the primary aim of Mr. Khasbulatov and the deputies because it would result in elections that would unseat most of them. Despite the resolutions stripping him of authority Mr. Yeltsin still has some irons in the fire. The military is not one of then. He has, however, three key sources of support that Mr. Khasbulatov cannot ignore. One is the West. Mr. Bill Clinton's recent statement is a blunt warning that the Russian president is the West's favoured man in the Kremlin. Throw him out and Russia's aid lifeline comes under risk. Another is the regional leadership. Mr. Yeltsin has gone out of his way to woo the various heads of the autonomous republics whose clout has increased as Moscow's grasp has grown feebler. Finally, and most important, is that Mr. Yeltsin is still miles ahead of Mr. Khasbulatov and his ilk in populate. The president has the legitimacy of an election behind him. His present political setbacks and his frustrations with the constitutional setup will tempt Mr. Yeltsin to take a leaf from August 1991 and return to the politics of the streets. The recent strike threat by Siberian miners in favour of the president is an indication of what path Mr. Yeltsin will take if pushed far enough. Until Russia straightens out its government, extra–constitutional means of wielding power will remain a perpetual temptation and administrative paralysis the norm rather than the exception.

Question

Multiple choice

By ''bulldogs under a carpet'', the author means that _______.

Directions: Answer the question based on the following passage.

Bulldogs under the carpet is the famous description of past Russian power struggles. The Russian constitutional crisis of 1993 began in earnest on September 21, when Russian President Boris Yeltsin dissolved the country's parliament, which was increasingly opposing his moves to consolidate power and embark on unpopular neo–liberal reforms. He was not allowed to do this under the then–functioning constitution; after the fact, he ordered a referendum on a new constitution.

The parliament refused to dissolve, declaring Yeltsin's presidency unconstitutional. In open rebellion against Yeltsin, it appointed its own acting president. On September 28, public protests against Yeltsin's government began in earnest in the streets of Moscow, and the first blood was shed. Yeltsin's supporters surrounded the parliament building (the "Russian White House"), where the representatives and their newly–appointed leaders were staying, with barricades. For the next week, protests in the street grew, until a mass uprising erupted in the city on October 2. Russia was on the brink of civil war. At this point the military threw their support behind Yeltsin, besieged the parliament building, and slowly forced the opposing faction out over the next six days. By October 8, the "second October Revolution" had been crushed. The ten–day conflict had seen the most deadly street fighting in Moscow since the Bolshevik Revolution in October 1917: 187 had been killed and 437 wounded.

As the present round of grappling between Mr. Boris Yeltsin and the speaker of the Congress of Peoples' Deputies, Mr. Ruslan Khasbulatov, painfully shows democracy has changed nothing except to remove the carpet. The origins of the present no-holds-barred conflict between congress and president lies in the country's tatterdemalion constitution. Written by Joseph Stalin and amended to the point of illegibility it is a blueprint for chaos. The division of powers between the various arms of government is so ill defined, a crisis would have been possible even in the best of times. Today with Mr. Yeltsin attempting drastic economic changes that would undercut the influence of the new apparatchiki industrialists, conflict is all but written in the stars.

For months, congress has stymied Mr. Yeltsin's reforms. He reacted last: year by forcing a showdown that only revealed how much his own support had slipped. It was a defeat that cost him his prime ministership. Ever since, the balance of power has been tilting in Mr. Khasbulatov's favour. Hyperinflation and his subservience to the West have further eroded Mr. Yeltsin's support. The two rivals put together an agreement earlier this year by which Mr. Yeltsin handed over more authority to the legislature in return for a constitutional referendum in April. Canceling this referendum is the primary aim of Mr. Khasbulatov and the deputies because it would result in elections that would unseat most of them. Despite the resolutions stripping him of authority Mr. Yeltsin still has some irons in the fire. The military is not one of then. He has, however, three key sources of support that Mr. Khasbulatov cannot ignore. One is the West. Mr. Bill Clinton's recent statement is a blunt warning that the Russian president is the West's favoured man in the Kremlin. Throw him out and Russia's aid lifeline comes under risk. Another is the regional leadership. Mr. Yeltsin has gone out of his way to woo the various heads of the autonomous republics whose clout has increased as Moscow's grasp has grown feebler. Finally, and most important, is that Mr. Yeltsin is still miles ahead of Mr. Khasbulatov and his ilk in populate. The president has the legitimacy of an election behind him. His present political setbacks and his frustrations with the constitutional setup will tempt Mr. Yeltsin to take a leaf from August 1991 and return to the politics of the streets. The recent strike threat by Siberian miners in favour of the president is an indication of what path Mr. Yeltsin will take if pushed far enough. Until Russia straightens out its government, extra–constitutional means of wielding power will remain a perpetual temptation and administrative paralysis the norm rather than the exception.

potential candidates are not revealed
Russian power struggles are protected from the outside powers
the power struggles in Russia are kept under control by coercion

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Accepted Answer

the serious infighting for power in Russia is shielded from the outside eyes

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